Many Africans fleeing the war in Ukraine claimed on social media that they had been rejected at the Polish border because of their skin color. At Lviv train station in western Ukraine, France 24 met several African students who had been turned away for no reason at the Medyka border crossing. Discrimination denied by Kiev and Warsaw.
Are civilians prevented from fleeing the war in Ukraine because of their skin color? In any case, Africans claim to have been turned away at the border with Poland while other people, white, were allowed to cross. Discrimination that could tarnish the great outpouring of solidarity displayed by the countries of the European Union, while hundreds of thousands of refugees continue to flow to the Polish, Hungarian, Slovak and Romanian borders of Ukraine.
The blockade of the Polish border for Africans is not total because some groups were able to cross, which suggests instead an arbitrary screening of local border guards.
But during a report on Sunday, February 27 at the station of Lviv, a large city in western Ukraine located about 80 kilometers from the Polish border, France 24 met several African students who claim to have been prevented from entering Poland by Ukrainian border guards.
“We were blocked at the border, we were told that black people don’t come back. However, we saw the whites coming back…”, recalls Moustapha Bagui Sylla, a Guinean who studied medicine in Ukraine. The young man fled his university residence in Kharkiv from the first bombings to embark on a mad race to the west.
Like tens of thousands of Ukrainian civilians, he endured hours of walking and waiting in the cold on the road to Medyka in Poland. But his journey was met with the intransigence of the Ukrainian border guards, who ordered him to turn back.
A Nigerian student queuing up to buy train tickets described a similar scene at the same location. Her group, which included women, stood in front of the gates of the border crossing while Ukrainian guards smuggled in whites.
“They don’t let Africans through. Blacks who do not have European passports do not pass… They push us away just because we’re black!” exclaims Michael. “We’re all human, we’re born that way, they shouldn’t discriminate against us on the color of our skin.”
According to Moustapha Bagui Sylla, the Ukrainian guards justified their refoulement with instructions from their Polish counterparts, who reportedly told them “that there was no more room for migrants” in Poland.
Warsaw has firmly denied any discrimination. “I don’t know what’s going on on the Ukrainian side, but we admit everyone regardless of nationality. I’ve been making false allegations like this for two days,” Anna Michalska, spokeswoman for the Polish border guards, told France 24. A second Polish statement confirmed that no visa was required, that identity cards or passports, even if expired, were accepted.
A Ukrainian border guard official also denied the reports, insisting that there was no nationality favored more than another to cross the border. The main exit restriction currently targets men of Ukrainian nationality between the ages of 18 and 60, who are mobilized to defend the country against the Russian invasion.
“I don’t know what happened, these people may have been turned away because they were trying to grill the priority in the queue,” added Andriy Demchenko, spokesman for the Ukrainian border guard.
The humanitarian situation on the Ukrainian side of the Medyka border crossing is extremely precarious for all displaced persons, as illustrated in one of our recent reports. According to an internal European Commission document cited by Le Figaro, it now takes between twenty and seventy hours to cross Poland’s border posts.
For those most concerned, these arbitrary returns resemble a double penalty. Being sent back to the status of economic migrant is a real cold shower for these young Africans who have come to do advanced studies, with papers in order and brilliant job prospects. On Sunday, most of the Africans stranded at Lviv station were now seeking to flee through Romania, Hungary, or Slovakia.
No to war: immediate withdrawal of Russian troops, solidarity with the Ukrainian people
Our organizations, CGT, FSU and Solidaires, condemn the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian armies, in violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and the Charter of the United Nations. The responsibility for the ongoing war lies with Vladimir Putin and his regime: his decision is tipping international relations into an unstable and dangerous period. Lasting peace in Eastern Europe requires an immediate withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukrainian soil and a return to diplomacy in order to find a solution that respects the rights of peoples.
Since 24 February, shelling and fighting have already claimed several hundred civilian lives, including more than a dozen children and thousands of wounded. Civilians become targets of war. In this alarming context, our organizations affirm their solidarity:
with the Ukrainian people who courageously resist the aggression, and in particular with the Ukrainian workers and trade union organizations;
with refugees who by the hundreds of thousands are fleeing the conflict. European borders must be open and assistance guaranteed for all refugees, regardless of their nationality or skin color;
with those in Russia and Belarus courageously opposing the war, braving political repression.
Our organizations recall their opposition to any military escalation, the consequences of which, unpredictable, can lead to a spiral and a confrontation of imperialisms to the detriment of the peoples. The path to long-term peace is through diplomacy, negotiated disarmament, funding for social and climate justice plans that should be the priority of states rather than reviving military budgets or expanding NATO.
On this basis, our organizations, CGT, FSU and Solidaires, call to participate in the demonstrations for peace that will take place throughout France on Saturday, March 5 and thereafter. In the immediate future, our organizations also express their readiness to organize, in an inter-union manner, concrete solidarity operations for the populations affected by the conflict.
In recent weeks, the possibility of Russia entering Ukraine has increased. It appears that mercenaries are being recruited in Russia and fuel and military equipment are being transported to the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine. In response, Ukraine is arming itself and NATO is sending additional forces to Eastern Europe. Despite negotiating efforts, tension continues to grow and, at present, there is no glimmer of a diplomatic solution to the crisis. […]
On the other hand, the Russian people are becoming hostage to their government’s foreign policy. It not only lives in the uncertainty of the possibility of war, but also suffers a significant rise in prices and a fall in the value of the national currency. However, there is no public debate, only one point of view is expressed on state television, and that is that of the supporters of war. On television, one hears only direct military threats, aggressiveness and hatred towards Ukraine, America and Western countries. But the most dangerous thing is that war is presented as an acceptable and inevitable course of action in the current circumstances.
It is an effort to deceive and seduce the people, to impose the idea of a just war with the West instead of developing the country and raising the standard of living of its citizens.
Meanwhile, attention is diverted from the Russian government’s crackdown to dissident media and independent NGOs such as Memorial International.
Women in Black Against War believe that a policy based on promoting the idea that war is a valid solution to conflict is immoral.
In recent weeks, the possibility of Russia entering Ukraine has increased. It appears that mercenaries are being recruited in Russia and fuel and military equipment are being transported to the Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine. In response, Ukraine is arming itself and NATO is sending additional forces to Eastern Europe. Despite negotiating efforts, tension continues to grow and, at present, there is no glimmer of a diplomatic solution to the crisis. The Ukrainian people thus find themselves in a delicate situation.
On the other hand, the Russian people are becoming hostage to their government’s foreign policy. They not only live in uncertainty about the possibility of war, but also suffer a significant rise in prices and a fall in the value of the national currency.
However, there is no public debate, only one point of view is expressed on state television, and that is that of the supporters of war. On television, one hears only direct military threats, aggressiveness and hatred towards Ukraine, America and Western countries. But the most dangerous thing is that war is presented as an acceptable and inevitable course of action in the current circumstances. It is an effort to deceive and seduce the people, to impose the idea of a just war with the West instead of developing the country and raising the standard of living of its citizens.
Meanwhile, attention is diverted from the Russian government’s crackdown to dissident media and independent NGOs such as Memorial International.
Support peace groups in Russia and Ukraine that are trying to denounce the situation, pointing out hate speech and proclaiming their position in favor of a peaceful solution to the conflict.
Denounce the action of the European Union, which is more concerned with supplying cheap gas to the countries of Western Europe than with guaranteeing the security of the civilian population of Ukraine.
Demand that our government abandon NATO and all types of international military organization and, consequently, obstruct the NATO Summit to be held in Madrid on 29 and 30 June 2022.
On February 24, at around 5:30 AM Moscow time, Russian president Vladimir Putin announced a “special operation” on the territory of Ukraine in order to “denazify” and “demilitarize” this sovereign state. This operation had long been in preparation. For several months, Russian troops were moving up to the border with Ukraine. At the same time, the leadership of our country denied any possibility of a military attack. Now we see that this was a lie.
Russia has declared war on its neighbor. It did not allow Ukraine the right to self-determination nor any hope of a peaceful life. We declare — and not for the first time — that war has been waged for the last eight years at the initiative of the Russian government. The war in Donbas is a consequence of the illegal annexation of Crimea. We believe that Russia and its president are not and have never been concerned about the fate of people in Luhansk and Donetsk, and the recognition of the republics after eight years was only a pretext for the invasion of Ukraine under the guise of liberation.
As Russian citizens and feminists, we condemn this war. Feminism as a political force cannot be on the side of a war of aggression and military occupation. The feminist movement in Russia struggles for vulnerable groups and the development of a just society with equal opportunities and prospects, in which there can be no place for violence and military conflicts.
War means violence, poverty, forced displacement, broken lives, insecurity, and the lack of a future. It is irreconcilable with the essential values and goals of the feminist movement. War exacerbates gender inequality and sets back gains for human rights by many years. War brings with it not only the violence of bombs and bullets but also sexual violence: as history shows, during war, the risk of being raped increases several times for any woman. For these and many other reasons, Russian feminists and those who share feminist values need to take a strong stand against this war unleashed by the leadership of our country.
The current war, as Putin’s addresses show, is also fought under the banner of the “traditional values” declared by government ideologues — values that Russia allegedly decided to promote throughout the world as a missionary, using violence against those who refuse to accept them or hold other views. Anyone who is capable of critical thinking understands well that these “traditional values” include gender inequality, exploitation of women, and state repression against those whose way of life, self-identification, and actions do not conform with narrow patriarchal norms. The justification of the occupation of a neighboring state by the desire to promote such distorted norms and pursue a demagogic “liberation” is another reason why feminists throughout Russia must oppose this war with all their energy.
Today feminists are one of the few active political forces in Russia. For a long time, Russian authorities did not perceive us as a dangerous political movement, and therefore we were temporarily less affected by state repression than other political groups. Currently more than forty-five different feminist organizations are operating throughout the country, from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok, from Rostov-on-Don to Ulan-Ude and Murmansk. We call on Russian feminist groups and individual feminists to join the Feminist Anti-War Resistance and unite forces to actively oppose the war and the government that started it. We also call on feminists all over the world to join our resistance. We are many, and together we can do a lot: Over the past ten years, the feminist movement has gained enormous media and cultural power. It is time to turn it into political power. We are the opposition to war, patriarchy, authoritarianism, and militarism. We are the future that will prevail.
We call on feminists around the world:
• Join peaceful demonstrations and launch offline and online campaigns against the war in Ukraine and Putin’s dictatorship, organizing your own actions. Feel free to use the symbol of the Feminist Anti-War Resistance movement in your materials and publications, as well as hashtags #FeministAntiWarResistance and #FeministsAgainstWar.
• Distribute the information about the war in Ukraine and Putin’s aggression. We need the whole world to support Ukraine at this moment and to refuse to help Putin’s regime in any way.
• Share this manifesto with others. It’s necessary to show that feminists are against this war — and any type of war. It’s also essential to demonstrate that there are still Russian activists who are ready to unite in opposition to Putin’s regime. We are all in danger of persecution by the state now and need your support.
Feminist Anti-War Resistance has a Telegram channel with additional information (in Russian). Members of the initiative are anonymous for security reasons. Its representative in London is Ella Rossman.
A Croatian demonstration in front of Russian Embassy in Belgrade, Serbia.
With consternation and disbelief, we are witnessing the escalation of the war and violence in Ukraine caused by the Russian invasion and the suspension of negotiations between the leaders of Russia and Ukraine.
As female citizens of Europe and the world, we demand from the Government of the Russian Federation to immediately cease hostilities, knowing that war is a crime against peace and humanity. At the same time, we urge all sides in conflict to continue the negotiations through diplomatic channels and to rely on all available non-violent means, in order to find appropriate solutions and ensure long-term peace and security in Ukraine, including the Donetsk and Luhansk regions.
As peace activists and feminists, we strongly oppose any act of war by any state or international actor. We oppose the culture of violence based on permanent military armament, constructing and producing of enemies, macho-militaristic competition and creation of new military shields in the heart of Europe.
We also oppose the public incitement to war by powerful states based on their geopolitical and financial interests, and warmongering atmosphere that promotes fear and anxiety among the people of Ukraine, but also among the citizens of neighbouring countries as well as citizens of Russia.
As witnesses of the havoc of war and war iconography during the 1990s in our own country, we are well aware of the harmful repercussions of the war and its long-lasting devastating effects on society, civilians and the human community. We know all to well how divided communities in the post-war period suffer from trauma, and feelings of injustice, which makes the healing hard to achieve. For us, human security and the life of every human being is an ethical imperative for every political action, surpassing issues such as state-territorial interests, political independence and military-defence security.
Therefore, we demand for from the Government of the Republic of Croatia to actively support peace efforts in order to prevent further escalation of the conflict.
We express our solidarity with all citizens of Ukraine and express our support for peace initiatives and anti-war movements in Ukraine, Russia and Belarus.
*This Appeal was initiated by feminists and peace activists from Croatia on February 24, 2022, which was supported by feminists and peace activists from the post-Yugoslav countries and the world. This is the final list of signatories to this Appeal.
A statement by the Global Labour Institute Network, published yesterday, calling for the immediate withdrawal of Russian military forces from Ukrainian territory and for solidarity against war
The full-scale invasion of Ukrainian territory by Russian military forces on 24 February 2022 has unleashed a murderous war at the centre of Europe. Not only soldiers on both sides, but also peaceful civilians, will die. War is turning into a nightmare the lives of those on whose land it is being waged. In these conditions, trade unions and other organisations of working people can not stand on the sidelines or act as neutral observers. We must do everything we can to bring an end to the military aggression, to war, as soon as possible.
The Ukrainian people, in defending their independence and freedom, need solidarity in practice. The subordination of Ukraine to Putin’s authoritarian regime, or its proxies, would destroy democratic institutions, including the workers’ movement – as has already happened over the last eight years in the Russian-controlled puppet Donetsk and Luhansk “peoples’ republics”.
The Russian state propaganda machine’s claim, that the invasion’s aim is to “liberate” Ukraine, which is supposedly ruled by “drug addicts and neo-Nazis”, is a cynical lie. In contrast, it is true that Putin and his party “Yedinaya Rossia” have friendly relations with extreme right wing parties in Europe and worldwide. Just as deceitful are the spurious justifications of the attack on the grounds that a threat to Russia’s security lurks on Ukrainian territory.
The Kremlin’s real aim is to seize territory from Ukraine, which Putin and his henchmen have declared to be an artificial construct put in place by the Bolsheviks. Slogans about “the struggle with Nazism” are a cover for an attempt to conquer “living space” for “the Russian world” and restoration of the Russian empire. Just as in the 20th century the international workers’ movement defended the Spanish republic from fascism, and supported resistance to totalitarian dictatorships, so today it must defend democratic Ukraine!
The current war is not a conflict of the Russian and Ukrainian peoples. War has been unleashed by the dictatorial regime that rules in Moscow, under which the whole Russian people is suffering. Continuing the traditions of Russian tsarism and Stalinism, preaching archaic imperial ideology, this regime hates Ukraine not only for its aspiration to independence but also for its revolutionary traditions.
The rulers in the Kremlin fear that the systemic change that took place in Ukraine in 2014 could be continued in Russia, and this is yet another reason that they have unleashed war. The Putin regime, like Russia in the 19th century, wants to play the role of the international gendarme. The proof of this is not only the invasion of Ukraine, but also the support given to its authoritarian brother regimes in suppressing popular uprisings in Belarus and Kazakhstan.
Already, more than one million Russians have signed letters demanding the immediate cessation of hostilities. The same position has been taken by a large number of professional associations – of researchers, teachers, doctors, workers in the arts, architects, publishers, translators and so on. This anti-war movement by civil society also needs international support.
The workers’ movement has always been based on the principles of internationalism and solidarity across state borders. Now these principles must be implemented in practice. General declarations about a peace settlement are not enough. We must call things by their real names, and take a position on the conflict, standing on the side of the Ukrainian and Russian peoples against the Kremlin oligarchy, that bears the full responsibility for this war, that has already produced a threat of nuclear apocalypse to the whole world.
The workers’ and anti-war movements have in their arsenal considerable means to fight and to demonstrate solidarity, which have been tested in practice. Now organisations of working people and civil society need to circulate accurate information about the causes and character of this war, to use all available means to unmask Kremlin propaganda and to give all types of support to Ukraine in its battles. If the aggression is not halted, this will be the gravest defeat for all progressive forces on an international scale. We can not allow that.
For the immediate withdrawal of Russian military forces from Ukrainian territory!
No to war!
□ This statement the Global Labour Institute Network is reposted from the GLI web site. You can learn more about the GLI and the Network there, and contact them here.
We, artists, curators, architects, critics, art historians, art managers – representatives of culture and art of the Russian Federation – initiated and sign this open letter, which we consider insufficient, but On February 24, 2022, the Russian Federation launched a sudden, aggressive and open military offensive throughout Ukraine. The reason for it was declared the “protection of the inhabitants of the DPR and LPR”, while military operations are being conducted throughout Ukraine and in its major cities: Kiev, Lviv, Kharkiv, Odessa and others. Among the residents of these cities are a large number of our relatives, friends, acquaintances and colleagues.
We demand an end to this war, which has been going on since 2014 with Ukraine, a sovereign and independent state, and to begin negotiations with it on a respectful and equal basis. The war in Ukraine is a terrible tragedy for both Ukrainians and Russians. It entails huge human casualties, jeopardizes the economy and security, and will lead our country to complete international isolation. At the same time, it is completely meaningless – any coercion to peace through violence is absurd. The pretext under which the deployment of the “special operation” took place was entirely constructed by representatives of the Russian authorities, and we oppose the fact that this war was waged on our behalf. However, on behalf of the professional community, it is also important for us to say that a further escalation of the war will have irreparable consequences for art and cultural workers. This will take away from us the last opportunities to fully work, speak out, create projects, popularize and develop culture, and take away the future.
Everything that has been done culturally over the past 30 years has now been put at risk: all international ties will be severed, cultural private or public institutions will be conserved, and partnerships with other countries will be suspended. All this will destroy the already fragile economy of Russian culture and significantly reduce its importance both for Russian society and for the international community as a whole. We, artists, curators, architects, critics, art historians, art managers – representatives of culture and art of the Russian Federation – express our absolute solidarity with the inhabitants of Ukraine and say resolutely “NO TO WAR!”. We demand the immediate cessation of all hostilities, the withdrawal of Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine and the holding of peace negotiations.
Ukraine was directly attacked by Russian imperialism. Vladimir Putin ordered to violate the borders of Ukraine and launch missile strikes on its biggest cities. 10 civilians in Odessa and Donbass were already killed. A civilian in central Ukraine (Uman, Cherkasy Oblast) was also killed in the shelling. Russian soldiers, aircrafts and armored vehicles attack Ukrainian forces in all border regions (Kharkiv, Chernihiv, Volyn regions). Their rockets reaching cities even in western Ukraine (Ivano-Frankivsk). However, the defenders of Ukraine are currently fiercely resisting the occupiers.
The reason for this military operation is Putin’s imperial ambitions. His government wants to subdue the Ukrainian people, who do not support an authoritarian dictatorship.
In connection with these extraordinary circumstances, the government should nationalize strategic enterprises, as well as seize the property of billionaires to ensure public access to medicine, transport, housing, food. That is why the policy of the state should be aimed at ensuring the interests of workers who are at the forefront.
We consider it necessary to participate in volunteer activities and organize mutual assistance on the basis of trade unions and other communities.
WE CALL on socialists around the world to go to the streets and demand an end to Russian aggression in Ukraine, imposing severe sanctions on the Russian economy (disconnect from SWIFT, seize oligarchs’ property), withdraw Russian troops and stop bombing cities, write off Ukraine’s foreign debt and to help Ukraine in a humanitarian way.
It is time to fight together for independence, life and a free future! Solidarity will win!
The Chinese state and social media platforms have been censoring some of the content critical of the Russian invasion of Ukraine (although this has been inconsistent, as the state itself has yet to take a clear stance on the matter). We received the following letter from an anonymous group that identifies as Mainland Chinese Internationalists. It provides a good window into how the recent conflict has been perceived within the Chinese left. As with other reports and translations that we’ve published, the position laid out here belongs to the authors. Though we are sympathetic to the sentiment, it should be clear from the language and framing used in the piece that this is not a statement from Chuang and should not be portrayed as such. One of our goals has been to help increase the visibility of other groups and individuals in China that have been grappling with similar concerns, so we are glad to be able to host the following letter. (Scroll down for the original Chinese.)1
1.
As internationalists, we are firmly against the invasion by Russia, to the same degree that we are against NATO’s reckless expansion. What we’re in support of is not the Ukrainian government, but the right of the Ukrainian people to be free from any imperialist interference.
Putin has backed the indepence of the two republics in Donbas, claiming to protect the people there from the Ukrainian government. Undeniably, over the past eight years, the residents of Donbas have been living in endless wars. What the people there are yearning for is peace, rather than what Putin has been doing, i.e., infinitely expanding the war. We will not deny the persecution of the local people by the Ukrainian government, nor will we deny the presence of neo-Nazis in Ukraine (just like in Russia), nor will we deny the existence of progressive, anti-fascist efforts in the armed struggle of the people of the Donbas region. But if Putin’s regime really means to protect the people of Donbas, as he has been claiming, we will have to make it clear: how many of those who are representative of the people of Donbas have died at the hands of the Great Russia chauvinists and Putin’s back-stabbing army?
The “de-Nazification” of Ukraine sounds more like a joke, considering that Putin and his followers have been the strongest supporters of the European far-right for the past decade. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine will only boost and reinforce radical nationalism within the country. Putin wants to popularize the idea that Ukraine is a country constructed by Lenin and the Soviet Union. However, as other progressive groups have pointed out, which existing nation-state is not the product of construction? In the name of “decommunization”, what Putin really desires is to erase Ukraine’s sovereignty and even its national identity while concealing his ambition to rebuild a monoethnic Russian empire. It is true that Ukraine would not have formed its current borders without the Leninist principle of national self-determination – including the equality of nationalities and the freedom to political secession. But what Putin does not dare to admit is that without such a principle, the Soviet Union would not have gained the trust of its constituent republics from the beginning, and the 70-year union of Socialist republics could not have existed at all.
Rhetoric is hypocritical and fragile in the face of real geopolitical forces. For the past decades, concerns for “human rights” and “genocide” are frequently used to justify wars started by the West. Didn’t Russia, seemingly on the opposite side, use precisely the same rhetoric in the case of Donbas? Likewise, for the United States, which was quick to impose sanctions based on human rights considerations, where are the sanctions against Israel, at a time when it is occupying Palestine and imposing apartheid? Where are the sanctions against Saudi Arabia, which is still invading Yemen and causing a huge humanitarian disaster? Not to mention that many analyses have long pointed out that economic sanctions, while they may indeed weaken the Russian regime’s ability to fund its war machine, will impose a greater impact on ordinary people than on Russia’s powerful elite. What is clear is that the dictator never cares whether his people suffer.
2.
This is not a war between the Russians and the Ukrainians. It is a war between Putin and Biden and the superpowers behind them. It is a war that will have no victor but which will create countless victims.
It is a war between the people with simple justice and a state that worships power. In Russia, we see countless anti-war voices from common people. They are not fearless. Everyone is deeply aware that they are risking arrest for holding “No War” banners high, that any expression of dissenting opinions might land them in prison, that the regime is taking advantage of the emergency to further its suppression of dissidents, and that more than 1,700 people were taken away by police for protesting the first day when Putin launched the invasion. That said, shame and fury has driven countless Russian people out onto the streets again and again. The protest against Putin’s regime is not limited to this specific war, if we realize that Russian people had already been engaged in an invisible war against their government for many years concerning Moscow’s widespread corruption, the collusion with energy oligarchs, the manipulation of democracy, and the use of gangsters to attack the opposition. How absurd is it for a regime to claim that it can rescue another nation while at the same time repressing its own people?
This is not just a war on the ground, but also an information war online. People end up being represented by their states, and the same information or concept might have completely opposite meanings for different camps, or be held hostage by different preconceptions. Then, in frenzy and anxiety, these warped ideas float out across borders on the winds of war. Living in China, we have found ourselves in an absurd situation of what the state media ironically call “cognitive warfare”. The Chinese government has been condemned by the international community for its ambiguous attitude: advocating for peace on the one hand, while strengthening its ties with Russia on the other. Meanwhile, under the propaganda of the mainstream media and increasingly stronger censorship over many years, Chinese netizens are unfortunately seen at this time by the world as the biggest and loudest supporters of war and of Putin. Progressive anti-war voices are muted, and protesters are punished. Ashamed as we are, we strongly condemn the propaganda machine that, once again, “points to a deer and calls it a horse.” At the time when the Russian invasion had just begun, our government was busy persecuting its own population in one of the biggest public opinion crises China has seen in recent years. The entire nation was shocked by revelations of countless cases of trafficked women, who had been tortured and treated as sex slaves for decades. These crimes had evolved into a social norm with the collusion of local governments.
We will be living in the post-truth era for a long time to come, in which emotional divisions will take the role of “common sense” in public life. Therefore, we defend the right of the Ukrainian people to determine their own destiny, and the right of the Russian people and others living under authoritarian regimes to express disagreements with their governments, as well as to demonstrate solidarity with those who have been invaded. “Shame” has been a common sentiment expressed from Russia in the recent anti-war rallies on the streets and on the Internet. And we, the Chinese internationalists, share the shame.
3.
The Ukrainian people have their own wills, and they have the right to decide their own destiny without interference from Western or Eastern imperialism. They should be freed from any harm done in the name of “protection” or “rescue”. But at the same time, we must understand the complexity and cruelty of international politics, especially when the Ukrainian people are caught between two empires, facing the war against humanity, invasion, and even the threat of nuclear weapons.
Neutrality is hypocritical under the pressing conditions of the day. Russia’s war of aggression has become unstoppable, so opposing Ukraine’s war of self-defense would contradict the anti-war activists’ claim to stand with the victims. We must stand with the Ukrainian people who are defending their country, with the Russian and Belarusian people who are risking their lives to protest against their respective states, and with people around the world who are thirsting for peace and condemning war. The international community must respect and respond to the demands of the Ukrainian people and offer practical help, and that should include us. We believe that NATO troops will not change the situation, and will only increase the chance of a world war – which is the last thing we want to see. We share the view with our predecessors, responsible anti-imperialists, who, in the anti-war movements during the Vietnam War, did not call for the Soviet Union’s interference to counter the U.S. force, but supported its assistance of arms delivery to the Vietnamese resistance. Today, there are also cyber weapons. Hacker groups disrupting Russian government websites and mainstream media, online mapping sites interfering with the march of Russian ground troops, and public opinion arenas of solidarity with the invaded. These efforts are together shaping the cyber terrain of progressivism in this war. Internationalists have a basic duty to support those who are swept up into just wars of resistance to fight against the invaders.
You cannot destroy magic with magic. What we are calling for is not fleeting anti-war passion or a kind of cease-fire that conceals more profound and invisible conflicts, but the abandonment of cold war logics and rhetorical performances. Practical efforts should be made to rebuild peace in Ukraine and beyond, to reject all strongman politics and state hegemony, and to uproot any illusions about war.
A group of internationalists from mainland China, March 1st, 2022
Interview with Witalij Machinko, Workers’ Solidarity Union (Trudowa Solidarnist, Kiev)
Interview by Ignacy Jóźwiak, from the Polish trade union OZZ-IP, member of the International Trade Union Network of Solidarity and Struggles.
Vitaly, first of all, tell us what the current situation of workers workers in Ukraine is. What do your union members do?
Some go to work and others stay at home or hide in bomb shelters. Some are trying to go to Poland, others have gone to Western Ukraine to stay with their families.
The work continues?
Yes, war does not give leave. Those who have not left and for whom circumstances allow it, work. Even on the territory controlled by the Russian Federation.
What is the current situation of workers in Ukraine?
It is very bad, the situation of workers, and their rights, will now be the last concern of all.
So, what role can trade unions play in these difficult conditions of war, and how can we support you?
I see two main areas of support. The first concerns the protection of Ukrainian réfugié.es.nes and Ukrainian migrant.es.nes in Poland. And the second is fundraising for citizens who have remained in Ukraine and become refugees or have remained in territories where hostilities are taking place.
As for Poland, unfortunately, a large part of Polish companies will try to take advantage of the context. The réfugié.es of Ukraine do not know the regulations, do not speak the language, so the situation is very difficult. They will be forced to take different jobs than they had. I am very concerned about this huge illegal exploitation that is going to be done by our fellow citizens of Ukraine. With such an influx of refugees, this problem will be much more acute than in 2015, 2016. That is why we need the help of Polish trade unions and European trade unions in general to help ukrainien.es workers protect their rights. I hope there will be as little need for your help as possible.
The second direction in which the Polish trade unions could help us is the organization of the delivery of basic necessities, essential medicines that are already indispensable in Ukraine and will be even more so in the near future. If we consider our experience of fourteen years in Donbass and apply it to the current situation in Ukraine, in major cities like Kiev and Kharkiv, where hostilities are ongoing, with the population level it will be a huge catastrophe. If these actions are extended for another week, we will have a major humanitarian crisis, which has already begun. You have to try, even if you can’t prevent it, at least to minimize it. That is why I hope for the help of the European trade unions.
What would you like to say to trade unions and people from left-wing movements in Poland, Europe and the world?
I would like to ask everyone to support Ukraine, support Ukrainian réfugié.es.nes, Ukrainian migrants and help everyone in Ukraine. Stay with us. Together we will win. It is important to send a clear signal to employers that there will be no room for their possible unfair practices. They must be afraid of this: we are already angry now, do not get angry even more.
NYSNA is in solidarity with the people of Ukraine and the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Ukraine in calling for an immediate withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine and a peaceful, diplomatic solution to this international crisis.
We are especially holding Ukrainian nurses and first responders in our thoughts and prayers—both in Ukraine as more people are being injured, displaced and killed every day, and here in the U.S. for our colleagues who fear for the safety of family and friends in their home country.
The warlike events taking place in Eastern Europe cannot leave us indifferent. All wars bring their share of innocent civilian casualties and displacement of refugees fleeing bombing and violence. It is established that the Russian invader intends to subject the entire Ukrainian population to its domination and will not tolerate any civil opposition. Lists have been drawn up to subjugate Ukrainian civil society and human and social rights activists, including trade unionists, may legitimately fear for their freedom and security. Today hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians, mainly women and children, have already had to flee their country, and are trying to find refuge in Europe. Reception capacities in neighbouring countries will quickly become saturated and France, like every European country, must open its borders and welcome these refugees in the best possible conditions.
It is therefore necessary to implement rapid, concrete and massive assistance to facilitate the transport of these people throughout Europe, to their reception centers or their families; it is an imperative of dignity and solidarity. Already, the German, Austrian, Polish, Hungarian, Slovak, Czech and Romanian railway companies offer free trains to all Ukrainian nationals, upon presentation of the passport. It is unimaginable that the SNCF does not react in turn to concretely show its help and solidarity by extending this free European to all trains on the French network. Our organizations, which demand the values of the international workers’ movement, the universal struggle for human dignity and the mutual aid of workers across all borders, have therefore seized the Minister of Transport as the organizing authority of public transport in France and the President of the Management of the SNCF Public Railway Group, to grant, without delay, complete free access to the rail network and public transport for all refugees from Ukraine.
Stop Russian aggression in Ukraine! No to NATO! For a free and sovereign Ukraine for workers! On Thursday, February 24, Russia began its military operation in Ukraine after Vladimir Putin recognized the independence of the Donetsk and Luhansk territories. Russian troops invaded the territory of Donbass, attacking suspicious military installations. Reports and recordings of bombings and ground attacks throughout Ukraine, including in the capital Kiev. The Putin government’s offensives are aimed at weakening military resistance in order to overthrow the Zelensky government, which is subordinate to the imperialist interests of the United States, NATO and the European Union.
We cannot accept Russia’s military repression and intervention against the people; it is equally unacceptable to open any space for the representatives of imperialism who seek to extend their domination with wars that guarantee profit and more power for the capitalists. The Russian military invasion has dramatic consequences in terms of population displacement, regression of workers’ living conditions, regression of trade union freedoms and other democratic freedoms. War only benefits the powerful, arms dealers and capitalists. The workers, the people will suffer death, deprivation of liberty, rape and looting, destruction. The military and economic consequences go beyond the territory of Ukraine. But contrary to what European governments, employers and bourgeoisie would have us believe, there are already many other wars in the world! They are fueled by the arms sales of those who pretend to regret this war in Ukraine. To be against war is to reject militarism, the arms race, arms sales…
We condemn and denounce Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and express our full solidarity with the people under attack. For the self-determination of the peoples of Ukraine and for a Ukraine liberated from the clutches of Russia, NATO and the American and European imperialists! • Russian troops out of state Ukraine! • Dissolution of NATO. Let’s get rid of American troops and bases in the countries of Western and Eastern Europe! We call on the organizations of the international trade union network of solidarity and struggles to join the anti-war mobilizations in the coming days. Support for those in Russia who reject Putin’s policy because they are fighting for peace, solidarity between peoples, against nationalism and the far right. Support for people residing in Ukraine, who reject any xenophobic, exclusionary or fascist policy. Solidarity with independent trade unionists from Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, Poland, … whose demands and expressions we rely on the Network’s website.
Letter to the Minister of Transportation and Head of Public Railway Group
Mr. Jean-Baptiste DJEBARRI Minister Delegate, in charge of Transport
Hôtel de Roquelaure 246 Boulevard St Germain 75007 Paris
Mr. Jean-Pierre FARANDOU Chairman and CEO of SNCF
2 place aux Étoiles CS 70001 93633 LA PLAINE SAINT-DENIS CEDEX Paris, February 28, 2022,
Mr. Minister, Mr. President of the public railway group. The warlike events taking place in Eastern Europe cannot leave us indifferent. All wars bring their share of innocent civilian casualties and displacement of refugees fleeing bombing and violence. It is established that the Russian invader intends to subject the entire Ukrainian population to its domination and will not tolerate any civil opposition. Lists have been drawn up to subdue Ukrainian civil society and human and social rights activists whose freedom and security trade unionists may legitimately fear. Today hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians, mainly women and children because men aged 18 to 60 have to stay to defend their country, have already fled their country to find refuge in Europe. Reception capacities in neighbouring countries will quickly become saturated and France, like every European country, must open its borders and welcome these refugees in the best possible conditions.
It is therefore necessary to implement rapid, concrete and massive aid to facilitate the transport of Ukrainians throughout Europe to their reception centres or their families, this is an imperative of dignity and solidarity. Already the German, Austrian, Polish, Hungarian, Slovak, Czech and Romanian railway companies offer free trains to all Ukrainian nationals on presentation of the passport. It is impossible to think that the SNCF would not react in turn to concretely show its help and solidarity by extending this free European to all trains and the French network. Our organizations, which demand the values of the international workers’ movement, the universal struggle for human dignity and the mutual aid of workers across all borders, therefore awe ddress to you, Mr. Minister as the organizing authority of public transport in France and to you, Mr. President of the Management of the public railway group SNCF the urgent request that the total free of charge on the rail network be granted without delay for all Ukrainian nationals.
For then Solidaires Labor Union and For the federation SUD-Rail
Mrs Murielle GUILBERT
Mr. Erik MEYER
Union syndicale Solidaires Federation SUD-Rail 31 rue de la Grange aux Belles 17 boulevard de la Libération 75 010 Paris 93200 St Denis contact@solidaires.org sud.rail.federation@gmail.com
A hasty translation of a statement from Food Not Bombs Moscow, which appeared on their Telegram channel on February 24th.
We will never take the side of this or that state, our flag is black, we are against borders and freeloader presidents. We are against wars and killings of civilians.
Palaces, yachts, and prison sentences and torture for dissenting Russians are not enough for Putin’s imperial gang, they should be given war and the seizure of new territories. And so, “defenders of the fatherland” invade Ukraine, bombing residential areas. Huge sums are being invested in murder weapons while the people are impoverished more and more.
There are those who have nothing to eat and nowhere to live, not because there are not enough resources for everyone, but because they are distributed unfairly: someone has a lot of palaces, while others did not even get a hut.
In order to keep and increase the benefits in their hands, the government declares wars. Who will collect their intestines with their hands, who will have their arms and legs torn off by explosions, whose families will bury their children? Of course, all this does not apply to the ruling minority.
We must resist the militaristic regime and the war it is waging with all our might. Spread information among your comrades, fight as best you can. No war but the class war. Solidarity instead of bombs.
Interview: The Committee of Resistance, Kyiv
Crimethinc conducted an audio interview with a spokesperson from “The Committee of Resistance,” the newly formed anarchist coordinating group in Ukraine. They will be fielding public inquiries about what anarchists are doing and experiencing in Ukraine here. Crimethinc transcribed the interview as they talked on February 24th.
“The Committee of Resistance” is a coordination center connecting anarchists who are participating in resisting the invasion in a variety of ways. Some are currently on the front; some are engaged in media work about the conditions arising during this resistance, in hopes of clarifying the situation in Ukraine to those who have never been there and explaining to anarchists elsewhere why they believe that resisting Putin is connected with liberation. The project will also be engaging in some support projects in whatever remains of Ukrainian civil society as the invasion proceeds—for example, in Mariupol’, some participants brought material support to the center hosting children orphaned by the war—and will assist some comrades in escaping from the conflict zone, though “dozens and dozens” of anarchists and anti-fascists are participating in the resistance.
As of now, the participants are watching to see what mutual aid projects will emerge in Kyiv out of efforts on the part of the population as a whole, and which ones they can participate in most effectively as anarchists.
The person we spoke with is currently located in Kyiv; others have already departed to participate in territorial defense in the regions surrounding Kyiv. In Kyiv, many people are leaving the city, but there has not been aerial bombing since the morning, when the Russian air force attacked military targets around the city and also hit some civilian housing areas in outlying towns, including Brovary, killing dozens of people.
In Kyiv, the atmosphere is tense, but there is no fighting in the city yet, only the aircraft attacks of the morning. Thus far, anarchists have experienced no known casualties, but they are facing serious dangers. It is a hard situation, but so far, the participants’ spirits are high.
The majority of the participants in this project were expecting the invasion to begin soon, generally speaking, but they were not expecting it today, and were not entirely mentally prepared for it. In fact, they planned and prepared for months, but now they are discovering everything that remained unfinished in their preparations. Still, in the course of hasty meetings, they have pulled together this coordination project.
The spokesperson described their immediate goal: it is not to protect the Ukrainian state, but to protect Ukrainian people and the form of Ukrainian society, which is still pluralistic, even though the Ukrainian state itself is neoliberal and a nationstate with nationalism and all the other terrible things that come with that. “Our idea is that we have to defend the spirit of this society against being smashed by Putin’s regime, which threatens the entire existence of the society.”
Panning back from that immediate goal, the spokesperson said that they hope to confront Russian military aggression while promoting anarchist perspectives both within Ukrainian society and throughout the world—to show that anarchists are involved in this struggle, that they have taken sides in it—not with the state, but with the people who are impacted by the invasion, with the society of the people who live in Ukraine.
“It is not an exaggeration to say that the whole population is confronting the invasion. Of course, some people are fleeing, but any force that has any investment in the political development of this place in the future has to be on the side of the people here right now. We want to make some inroads towards being connected with people here on a larger scale, towards getting organized with them. Our long-term task, our dream, is to become a visible political force within this society in order to secure a real opportunity to promote a message of social liberation for people.”
In response to the statement that the “whole population is confronting the invasion,” we inquired as to whether that included the people in the “republics,” the Luhansk People’s Republic [LPR] and Donetsk People’s Republic [DPR]—the regions in eastern Ukraine that have been occupied by Russian-armed and funded separatist forces since 2014, which Putin just recognized as “independent.”
“Honestly,” the spokesperson answered, “I have little perspective about the people in the so-called republics; I have only lived here for several years”—having grown up in a neighboring country—”and have never been to the southeast. It’s true that there have been some conflicts about language, and local far-right people have exacerbated these conflicts needlessly and severely. For this reason, in the ‘republics,’ we saw some people waving Russian state flags to welcome the troops, even though this ‘independence’ will mean the opposite, it will mean being totally subservient to Putin. At the same time, nearby across the trenches, on the other side of the battle lines, we saw thousands of people waving Ukraine’s national flags. We don’t like this, either, as anarchists, but it does mean that people are ready to fight—that they are ready to defend their independence not only as a state but as a society.”
Against Annexations and Imperial Aggression
This February 22nd statement appeared in Russian on avtonom.org, a media project that grew out of the libertarian communist network Autonomous Action.
Yesterday, on February 21, an extraordinary meeting of the Russian Security Council was held. As part of this theatrical act, Putin forced his closest servants to publicly “ask” him to recognize the independence of the so-called “people’s republics” of the Luhansk People’s Republic [LPR] and Donetsk People’s Republic [DPR] in eastern Ukraine.
It is quite obvious that this is a step towards the further annexation of these territories by Russia—no matter how it is formalized (or not formalized) legally. In fact, the Kremlin ceases to consider the LPR and DPR part of Ukraine and finally makes them its protectorate. “First the recognition of independence, then annexation”: this sequence was already worked out in 2014 in Crimea. This is also clear from Naryshkin’s stupid reservations at the meeting of the Security Council (“Yes, I support the entry of these territories into the Russian Federation “).1 Since the meeting, as it turned out, was broadcast on tape [rather than live], and these “reservations” were not cut out, but left in—the hint is clear.
In an “appeal to the people” that same evening, Putin seemed to “agree” with these requests and announced the recognition of the LPR and DPR as independent states. In fact, he said the following: “We are taking a piece of the Donbass, and if Ukraine rocks the boat, then let it blame itself, we don’t consider it a state at all, so we’ll take even more.” According to Putin’s decree, Russian troops are already entering the territory of the LPR and DPR. This is a clear gesture of threat towards the rest of Ukraine and especially towards the parts of the Lugansk and Donetsk regions still controlled by Ukraine. This is the actual occupation [in the sense that until now, Luhansk and Donetsk were only occupied by proxy].
We do not want to stand up for any states. We are anarchists and we are against any borders between nations. But we are against this annexation, because it only establishes new borders, and the decision on this is made solely by the authoritarian leader—Vladimir Putin. This is an act of imperialist aggression by Russia. We have no illusions about the Ukrainian state, but it is clear to us that it is not the main aggressor in this story—this is not a confrontation between two equal evils. First of all, this is an attempt by the Russian authoritarian government to solve its internal problems through a “small victorious war and the accumulation of lands” [a reference to Ivan III].
It is quite probable that the Kremlin regime will stage some kind of spectacle of a “referendum” on the annexed lands. Such performances already took place in the DPR and LPR in 2014, but not even Moscow recognized their results. Now, apparently, Putin has decided to change that. Of course, there can be no talk of any “free and secret voting” in these territories—they are under the control of militarized gangs completely dependent on Moscow. Those who were opposed to these gangs and against integration with Russia were either killed or forced to emigrate. Thus, any “referendum on the return of Donbass like a lost ship to its native harbor” will be a propaganda lie. The residents of Donbass will be able to formulate their decision only when the troops of all states—and first of all the Russian Federation—leave these territories.
The recognition and annexation of the DPR and LPR will not bring anything good to the inhabitants of Russia itself.
First, in any case, this will lead to the militarization of all spheres of life, even greater international isolation of Russia, sanctions and a decline in general well-being. Restoring the destroyed infrastructure and taking the “people’s republics” into the state budget will not be free, either—both will cost billions of rubles that could otherwise be spent on education and medicine. Have no doubt: the yachts of the Russian oligarchs will not become smaller, but everyone else will begin to live worse.
Second, the likely aggravation of the armed confrontation with Ukraine will mean more dead and wounded soldiers and civilians, more destroyed cities and villages, more blood. Even if this conflict does not escalate into a world war, Putin’s imperial fantasies are not worth a single life.
Third, this will mean the further spread of the so-called “Russian world”: a crazy combination of neoliberal oligarchy, rigid centralized power, and patriarchal imperial propaganda. This consequence is not as obvious as the rise in the price of sausages and the sanctions on smartphones—but in the long run, it is even more dangerous.
We urge you to counter the Kremlin’s aggression by any means you see fit. Against the seizure of territories under any pretext, against sending the Russian army to the Donbass, against militarization. And ultimately, against the war. Take to the streets, spread the word, talk to the people around you—you know what to do. Do not be silent. Take action. Even a small screw can jam the gears of a death machine.
Against all borders, against all empires, against all wars!
A Communique from the Confederation of Labor of Russia (KTR)
Moscow, 25 February 2022
The Confederation of Labor of Russia, as a part of the international trade union movement, considering its direct responsibilities to the working people of Russia, Ukraine and the whole world, and recognizing its role in promoting and ensuring peace between peoples, is extremely disturbed at the events now taking place.
The Confederation of Labor of Russia is convinced that all disagreements and contradictions—however deep and however longstanding—must be resolved by negotiations, on the basis of goodwill and adherence to the principle of world peace. This vision has been an integral part of the global and anti-militarist outlook of the workers’ movement for more than a century, and has been realized through the establishment of international institutions and mechanisms tasked with ensuring peace.
The Confederation of Labor of Russia notes, with great bitterness, that it is the working people of our countries, on both sides, who are suffering as a direct result of military conflict. Intensification of the conflict threatens a devastating shock to our nations’ economies and social support systems, and a fall in workers’ living standards. It would open the door to a massive wave of breaches of working citizens’ labor rights.
With regard to all the above, the Confederation of Labor of Russia expresses its belief in the need for the cessation of military action, as rapidly as possible, and the renewal of peaceful dialogue and coexistence between the multinational peoples of Russia and Ukraine.
The Council of the Confederation of Labor of Russia
[We at New Politics do not usually publish statements of groups from the Stalinist Communist tradition, such as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. We have decided to make an exception in this case because this statement comes not only from the CPRF but also from several other left groups. We do so because the CPRF and these other groups have joined together to issue a statement opposing Russia’s war on the Ukraine, and we see this as an important development on the Russian left. — Editors]
Moscow 24.02.2022
We, members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the Revolutionary Workers’ Party, the Russian Socialist Movement, the Socialist Action of the Left, citizens of Russia adhering to left-wing and democratic perspectives, declare the following with regard to the outbreak of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine:
We condemn Russian President Vladimir Putin’s decision to invade Ukraine, as it will result in the deaths of thousands of people on both sides. The economic situation of workers in both countries will deteriorate. The current invasion is only intended to satisfy the odious ambitions of a narrow circle of Russian foreign policy leaders, and is also a way to divert attention from the Russian government’s domestic policy failures;
We demand that the Russian leadership immediately cease its aggression against our brothers and sisters of the Ukrainian people;
We call on all Russian citizens who adhere to left-wing and democratic perspectives to post on social media demands addressed to the Russian leadership to end the armed aggression against our brothers and sisters of the Ukrainian people. We urge you to lead an anti-war agitation with your neighbors, relatives, colleagues and other citizens of Russia!
If the current government is not able to bring peace to the people, then the way forward to achieve this will be a radical change of government and the entire socio-political system.
Evgeny Stupin (Communist Party of the Russian Federation)
Boris Kagarlitsky (Rabkor)
Grigory Yudin (sociologist)
Mikhail Lobanov (University Solidarity Union)
Kirill Medvedev (Russian Socialist Movement)
Alexey Sakhnin (journalist, former member of the Left Front)
Nikita Arkin (Socialist Left Movement)
Avramchuk (Revolutionary Workers’ Party)
Sergey Tsukasov (elected municipal councillor of Ostankinsky district)
transform! Europe is a network of 39 European organizations from 23 countries, active in the field of political education and critical scientific analysis.
transform! europe condemns the attack that Russia, under the governance of Vladimir Putin, has launched upon Ukraine. We reject the use of military force against a sovereign state, just as we have previously rejected NATO forces deployment in countries bordering Russia, and in countries of Asia and Africa and Europe. We therefore call for an immediate ceasefire, stop of the bombings, the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine soil and the return to the negotiating table.
At the same time, we call upon the EU to put maximum effort into reengaging in peace negotiations. In these difficult times, we stand with the people of Ukraine who experience the Russian attack in full force and whose lives are in danger. We stand in solidarity with the peoples of Ukraine that are forced to leave their homes, and weave networks of solidarity for their support, including providing them with shelter and safety! We stand with the peoples in Russia who oppose Putin’s war, despite oppression, as well as the millions of other Europeans that demand peace. The solution to this unjustifiable escalation of military violence is not more violence, the solution is political, based on the principles of common, collective security concepts which prioritise the well-being of all peoples and the respect of human rights and international law. We join forces with the peace and social movements across the continent to stop this irrational war, we call upon European citizens to take the streets in the name of peace and we stand with the people of Ukraine that are forced to leave their homes. Weapons and wars should belong to the past, the future of Europe and humanity must be peace!
European public opinion, as Eurobarometer demonstrates in each survey, is by far in favor of a Europe of peace, human rights, democracy and against nuclear weapons. More than 85% of Europeans are in favour of these, which reveals the contradiction between people’s desires for Europe’s future and policy makers’ decisions. The current crisis is an expression of the deep, unresolved contradictions of the European security situation. Since the end of the Cold War, Europe consists only of capitalist states. There are imperialist contradictions between the states, amplified by their unequal economic and military power.
We reject any policy that returns us to a policy of blocks and a new Cold War. We oppose NATO expansion in European soil and their military rhetoric. Europe needs and wants a peaceful path to resolve conflicts.
No to Warmongering, Yes to Diplomacy
Fighting for peace has been a long tradition in Europe. The radical left has been a pacifist, anti-militarist and anti-imperialist left since its beginnings. It opposes all chauvinist, racist, neo-colonialist, and war-justifying propaganda of governments, capital, and media. To oppose the creation of enemy images does not mean to approve the policy of a government. We call upon all progressive forces and citizens to raise their voices for de-escalation. We call for an immediate end of confrontational rhetoric and military action and threats: By continuing with these tactics, war and military conflict threaten our whole continent and extend the suffering of the peoples of Ukraine! The priority should always be to stop the war!
The peoples of Europe know too well what war and its terrible consequences mean. The EU is currently suffering due to the devastating COVID-19 pandemic and its catastrophic management. We mourn more than 2 million dead over the last two years. The pandemic affects the lives of millions and is reshaping the economies. In this conjunction, we consider the increase of military expenses, fueled, and justified by the increase of military tensions and the warmongering rhetoric, unacceptable. It is an outrage that during the current lethal pandemic, military expenses increase from 1.63% to 2.2% of the global GDP. Military conflict is not the only challenge to the security of Europe’s people. The dire consequences of climate change can already be felt in our continent and both these crises are amplifying structural inequalities in the EU, Europe, and the world. Although not included in most of the international environmental agreements, such as the Paris Climate Agreement, the military-industrial complex is one of the biggest polluters of our planet and war the most devastating strike on nature’s integrity. Valuable resources that could help eradicate inequalities in the health and social systems of EU countries, as well as the renewal and resilience of infrastructure, are spent on the prospect of a prolonged war that would be detrimental to the peoples of the EU and Europe. This has to stop!
Ending a New Cold War to Prevent any War
The opportunity that existed after the end of the Cold War to create a pan-European peace and security system was not seized. On one hand, NATO continues to exist, tying the security and military policies of 22 of the 27 EU members to the United States; and on the other hand, pan-European and inclusive structures such as the Council of Europe and the OSCE have been marginalized and pushed out of public perception by NATO, the G-7 and the EU itself. European security policy is in a multiple crisis. Ukraine is only one of several hotspots where conflict potential is condensing and diplomatic management of individual crises in the acute stage is not sufficient to defuse them. Europe needs a security architecture that fairly considers the interests of all European states. The upcoming 50th anniversary of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is an opportunity for renewal and a chance to adopt an updated Final Act setting out the cornerstones of European security. In the sense of open diplomacy, peace movements, NGOs, and the civic society from all over Europe (and not only the EU) should be involved in the preparation and implementation of the conference not only as an accompanying programme, but rather as equal partners.
Mastering the challenges of the future in peace will only be possible if Europe leaves the Cold War logic in the past and collectively faces the future. The EU needs to start elaborating a new independent security strategy inclusive to its neighbours! The unbearable costs of war are always paid by the working classes. The arms industry must no longer enjoy impunity, making millions in revenue while destroying the planet and depriving the youth of their right to a peaceful future. The youth of Ukraine and Russia are now ripped from the families and send to fight in a war that serves oligarchic interests and threatens their lives and future. We stand with their families and loved ones, of all those drafted to the military because of this irrational war and oppose the patriarchal set of mind that calls to violence.
For an Independent EU Peace and Security Strategy
It is impossible to talk about the strategic autonomy of the EU when the majority of the EU Member States are members of NATO. The development of an EU security policy identity must go hand in hand with the dissolution of NATO and the withdrawal of American troops and especially nuclear weapons. For an independent EU Peace and Security Strategy and hence a peaceful Europe, the EU must free itself from the security policy paternalism of the USA. The EU is a global player. It must focus on achieving climate goals, leading a socially just transition from fossil to sustainable energy, realigning its trade policy toward the Global South, respecting, and implementing the UN Refugee Convention in its refugee policy. The status of neutral and nonaligned members of the EU, as explicitly recognized in the Lisbon Treaty, should be revisited, hence it expands the EU’s diplomatic possibilities to play a constructive role in the tensions that are now increasing.
We appeal to come back to international law under the UN as the basis to resolve this conflict. NATO is the only multinational security system that acts on the international stage in violation of the explicit mandate of the Charter of the United Nations. This makes it a threat to peace, as demonstrated by its “operations”, in Europe, Asia, and Africa, which have generated destabilization, destruction and setbacks in the full exercise of the social and human rights of people in the intervened areas.
Europe a Nuclear Weapon Free Zone
We demand that all European states join the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, as European peoples demand by full majority according to any survey that has been conducted on the issue. In addition, we advocate for a nuclear-weapon-free and militarily diluted zone in the whole of Europe, from the Mediterranean to the Baltic and the Northern Sea as the first step toward a nuclear weapons-free Europe. We demand that the USA re-enters the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty and that both Russia and the USA refrain from re-entering antagonist nuclear weaponization races. A world without nuclear weapons is a safer world for all!
In short, we call for:
An immediate stop of Russian military attack on Ukraine. Respecting the sovereignty of peoples, we reject military action and threats against a sovereign state, as well as any border change by way of military aggression.
An immediate stop of warmongering rhetoric and tactics and return to the diplomatic tables.
The mediation of the OSCE and the UN to stop any military action and deploy all diplomatic tools under UN legal framework and the drafting and implementation of a new peace agreement.
The EU to take the initiative and propose a broad pan-European conference, including Russia, on peace and collective security, in order to achieve a comprehensive resolution of the crisis in all its dimensions. What was possible during the Cold War at the Helsinki Conference is even more necessary today.
The EU to resume negotiations on multilateral and comprehensive disarmament, including nuclear and intermediate-range weapons.
We appeal to the people of Europe to stand with strong peace and human rights values, knowing that defending peace is the only way to a world that shares that war never resolves conflicts but creates new ones. •
Statement of OZZ IP (Poland), member of the International Labor Network of Solidarity and Struggles. Network
A statement by the OZZ Inicjatywa Pracownicza (Workers’ Initiative Union) National Committee on the Russian aggression against Ukraine, 24 February 2022.
In view of the Russian troops’ invasion on Ukraine, the National Committee of the OZZIP wishes to express its solidarity with Ukrainian civilians, Ukrainian trade unions and Ukrainian citizens living and working in Poland. We also stand with citizens of the Russian Federation who are protesting against the war and militarism in general. Military conflicts serve financial elites who grow rich on the arms trade and the exploitation of natural resources as well as governments who build their political capital on the threat of war. Imperialism – no matter who is behind it – is always contrary to the interests of the working people regardless of their nationality.
For millions of workers, the global battle for power and wealth brings death, destruction and even greater poverty. Working people fight on the frontlines of wars they did not cause. Their homes collapse under bombs and rockets. Last week, the Ukrainian public was shocked to learn about politicians and oligarchs leaving Ukraine on board private jets and chartered airplanes. Ukrainian trade unions and social organizations have called for the nationalization of their wealth and channeling it into support for civilian people.
There are over a million Ukrainian citizens living and working in Poland. Their number is also growing within the ranks of our union. Workers from Ukraine suffer very difficult working conditions, often below the legal wage and with unregulated hours. The outbreak of the war entails added anxiety about the loved ones they left behind in their homeland and an uncertain future. Starting today, they have to divide their time between struggling for survival in Poland and following the news on bombs falling on their hometowns.
We wish to express our full solidarity with our colleagues and all victims of war. Moreover, we wish to declare that we will be present at all anti-war protests.
No to war! Yes to international workers’ solidarity!
The Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association (AMEJA) Statement in Response to Coverage of the Ukraine
The Arab and Middle Eastern Journalists Association (AMEJA) calls on all news organizations to be mindful of implicit and explicit bias in their coverage of war in Ukraine. In only the last few days, we have tracked examples of racist news coverage that ascribes more importance to some victims of war over others.
On Feb. 26, during a CBS News segment, correspondent Charlie D’Agata commented: “But this isn’t a place, with all due respect, like Iraq or Afghanistan, that has seen conflict raging for decades. This is a relatively civilized, relatively European — I have to choose those words carefully, too — city, one where you wouldn’t expect that, or hope that it’s going to happen.”
Daniel Hannan, of The Telegraph wrote: “They seem so like us. That is what makes it so shocking. War is no longer something visited upon impoverished and remote populations. It can happen to anyone.”
Al Jazeera English anchor Peter Dobbie said: “What’s compelling is, just looking at them, the way they are dressed, these are prosperous…I’m loath to use the expression… middle class people. These are not obviously refugees looking to get away from areas in the Middle East that are still in a big state of war. These are not people trying to get away from areas in North Africa. They look like any European family that you would live next door to.”
“We’re not talking here about Syrians fleeing the bombing of the Syrian regime backed by Putin, we’re talking about Europeans leaving in cars that look like ours to save their lives.” Philippe Corbé, BFM TV, reported.
AMEJA condemns and categorically rejects orientalist and racist implications that any population or country is “uncivilized” or bears economic factors that make it worthy of conflict. This type of commentary reflects the pervasive mentality in Western journalism of normalizing tragedy in parts of the world such as the Middle East, Africa, South Asia, and Latin America. It dehumanizes and renders their experience with war as somehow normal and expected.
Newsrooms must not make comparisons that weigh the significance or imply justification of one conflict over another — civilian casualties and displacement in other countries are equally as abhorrent as they are in Ukraine.
AMEJA stands in full solidarity with all civilians under military assault in any part of the world, and we deplore the difference in news coverage of people in one country versus another. Not only can such coverage decontextualize conflicts, but it contributes to the erasure of populations around the world who continue to experience violent occupation and aggression.
In order to prevent such explicit bias, we call on newsrooms to train correspondents on the cultural and political nuances of regions they’re reporting on, and not rely on American- or Euro-centric biases. Inaccurate and disingenuous comparisons only serve to inflame stereotypes and mislead viewers, and they ultimately perpetuate prejudicial responses to political and humanitarian crises.
Canadian “Freedom Convoy” opposes all mask and vaccination mandates and is rife with far right white supremacists. Photo from Business Insider.
This article was written for L’Anticapitaliste, the weekly newspaper of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) of France.
[Feb. 9, 2020] Truckers in a so-called “Freedom Convoy” have led protests of hundreds and sometimes thousands in several Canadian cities against pandemic health regulations such as vaccine mandates and testing. The convoy represents a significant movement by the country’ growing far right, one that parallels and is influenced by right-wingers South of their border led by Donald Trump.
In fact, Donald Trump issued a statement calling Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of the Liberal Party a “far left lunatic” who had “destroyed Canada with insane COVID mandates.” Trump supported the Canadian Freedom Convoy and suggested that truckers in the United States emulate it and bring the protest to Washington, D.C.
The Freedom Convoy criticizes Trudeau as responsible for the health policies they oppose. In a press conference Trudeau pointed out that 90 percent of truckers, like all Canadians, are vaccinated and that the Freedom Convoy represents a “small, fringe minority.”
At the center of the protest is a Canadian law that requires truckers returning from the United States, where the COVID runs rampant, to isolate for fourteen days. As in the United States, amongst those protesting the mandates one finds racist opponents of foreign immigrants. Some carried the Canadian flag but others the American Gadsden “Don’t Tread On Me” flag commonly carried in rightwing protests in the United States, and some swastikas.
“I wholeheartedly and unreservedly deplore and denounce what is happening in Ottawa with the so-called Freedom Convoy right now,” said Conservative Senator Dennis Patterson. “Let me be clear: If you go about waving a Nazi or Confederate flag, you are declaring yourself a person who embraces hate, bigotry, and racism,” Patterson resigned from the Conservative Caucus and because of its support for the protests.
Protests have involved hundreds of trucks, even earth moving equipment, and protestors also created encampments, blocking major city thoroughfares in Ottawa, the capital of Canada.
“It’s not a protest anymore. It’s become an occupation,” Ontario Premier Doug Ford of the Progressive Conservative Party said, “It’s time for this to come to an end.”
Freedom Convoy also protested in cities in Quebec, Saskatchewan, Manitoba and British Columbia. Through GoFundMe the Convoy raised 10 million in Canadian dollars, but GoFundMe has seized the funds because of the group’s violent protests.
Truckers, who usually own their own trucks, represent the classic lower-middle class base of many rightwing movements. They are and consider themselves to be small businesspeople, though their earning and working conditions are often not much different than wage earners. In times like these, facing an unstable economy, higher fuel costs, and government restrictions, some have taken to the streets.
Six years ago, when I went to speak to a U.S.-Canada transportation workers convention, I was surprised to find a few Trump followers among them. Today in Canada, rightwing sentiment has grown. When Trump banned Syrian refugees in 2017, 25 percent of Canadians said that their country should have done the same. In 2018-19, a Yellow Vests movement in Canada attracted tens of thousands of followers on Facebook and organized small protests against a carbon tax, opposed oil pipelines, and stood against United Nations “globalists.” Their ranks were riddled with white supremacists, anti-Semites and anti-immigrant racists.
While Canada has a growing rightwing movement, it still represents a small portion of the population. Canada has strong labor and left traditions, and the left has criticized and organized to resist the Freedom Convoy. In Toronto hundreds of masked health workers protested against the convoy carrying signs reading “Health Not Hate.” In Vancouver, British Columbia, protestors actually blocked the Freedom Convoy. U.S. and Canadian leftist will have to work together to stop the growth of this new right.
The Democratic Socialists of America’s International Committee has issued a statement on Ukraine that fails to adhere to basic socialist principles. As socialists, we have a responsibility to speak out and to act against our own government’s imperialist role in the world, but we also have a responsibility to condemn the imperialisms of other powers and stand with the victims of oppression everywhere. The statement’s biggest weakness is its remarkable failure to say a word about Russia’s role in this crisis, consequently creating an incomplete, slanted, and distorted view that makes it impossible to understand what’s actually happening, much less to take a principled position on it.
One looks in vain in the DSA-IC statement for some reference to the scope of Russian military threats against Ukraine: the mobilization on Ukraine’s borders of at least 100,000 troops, some from as far away as Siberia, and the prepositioning of equipment, including short-range ballistic missile launchers and artillery, helicopters and air assets. Additional thousands of Russian troops are gathering for ‘joint exercises’ in neighboring Belarus, near the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv.
Nor does the DSA-IC statement say anything about Russia’s recent past aggression against Ukraine, surely not irrelevant to the current situation. Nothing is said about Russia’s seizure of Crimea in 2014, the first time any great power conquered territory in Europe since the end of World War II, in a conquest soundly condemned by the UN General Assembly. Nor does the DSA-IC statement refer to Russia’s continuing military involvement in eastern Ukraine, where fighting since 2014 has resulted in more than 13,000 deaths and a million displaced.
The DSA-IC statement is of course correct that the eastward expansion of NATO over the past several decades has been provocative and unjustified. The peace movement has long noted that this NATO behavior would only increase feelings of insecurity in Russia. But the peace movement has never accepted that a nation has the right to threaten to go to war, still less to actually launch a war, as the means of addressing its security concerns, real or alleged. If Russia feels insecure because of NATO expansion, it must utilize existing international mechanisms for conflict resolution, not mass troops and weapons on Ukraine’s borders. The DSA-IC statement doesn’t have a word to say about the largest military mobilization in Europe since the Cold War nor the obvious threat that this represents. Socialists should not support international bullying.
The DSA-IC statement raises the issue of Ukrainian neo-fascists. These elements did play an outsized role in the 2014 Maidan uprising and continue to be a worrying force in Ukrainian politics. Clearly Ukraine needs a broad left to counter the right. But it is also true that currently far-right parties have almost no electoral presence in Ukraine (unlike those in France and Germany, for example, or in Russia). Most far-right European parties support Putin. Marine Le Pen of France’s Front National endorsed Russia’s take-over of Crimea in 2014 and today believes that Ukraine belongs to Russia’s sphere of influence. Putin himself leads an ultra-conservative party and jails and poisons his critics. And Russia’s neo-fascist Rusich Task Force of its Wagner paramilitary group – unmentioned by the DSA-IC statement – is every bit as fearsome as Ukraine’s Azov Battalion. Of course we must condemn the activities of neo-fascist forces in Ukraine, but it is problematic to focus on the Ukrainian far-right to the exclusion of the far-right in Russia.
The DSA-IC statement also fails to acknowledge the fact that Ukraine is a former colony of the Tsarist and then the Soviet empires – having suffered horrendous human costs. When Putin declares that “Ukraine is not even a State,” Ukraine deserves socialist support, just as we have historically supported other colonies and neo-colonies fighting for their freedom.
The DSA-IC statement states that in Ukraine the United States has been “training far-right extremist groups with neo-Nazi sympathies such as the Azov Battalion.” Though the IC states this as fact, the source they give for this claim is an article by Branko Marcetic much more tentatively titled “The CIA May Be Breeding Nazi Terror in Ukraine.” And in fact, Marcetic overstates the matter. He reports that Congressional language that barred the training of the Azov group was removed from military appropriations in 2015, but he doesn’t indicate that since 2017 U.S. legislation has explicitly prohibited funds from being used “to provide arms, training, or other assistance to the Azov Battalion.”
To be sure, Ukraine is a country with many deep problems. On Transparency International’s corruption scale it ranks as highly corrupt – but better than Russia. Its political system is far from democratic. But since 2014, voters have thrown out incumbent presidents at each election – something not likely to happen in autocratic Russia, or in the breakaway Donbas ‘republics’ or Crimea. Human rights defenders, journalists, trade unionists, and other social justice advocates have been subject to terrible abuses in Ukraine, as they have in Russia, Crimea, and Donbas. We stand with all these embattled activists. And we stand against all nationalist bigotries toward ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities in Ukraine.
The DSA-IC dismisses the Maidan Protest of 2014 as the “U.S. backed Maidan coup.” It thus associates itself with others on the left – we call them “campists” – who claim that all popular insurgencies against leaders who seem to oppose U.S. imperialism are incited, manipulated, or controlled by Washington. There is a degree of condescension and even racism in the notion that movements from below of ordinary Ukrainian, Chinese, Iranian, or Nicaraguan working people are U.S. puppets. These people are perfectly capable of standing up for themselves and fighting back, even if they do so against overwhelming odds. Do the U.S. State Department and the CIA and NATO attempt to influence and, when they can, direct such movements? Of course. It is clear, however, that the Orange Revolution of 2004 and the Maidan uprising were fundamentally expressions of the democratic aspirations of the Ukrainian people – fed up with the brutality of their government’s treatment of protesters – and their wish for self-determination, and not because they were being directed by Washington or by neo-Nazis. The Ukrainian people seek their independence, and we should stand with them against both the United States and NATO and against the immediate threat from Russia.
Like the DSA-IC, we fervently hope for a peaceful settlement of this crisis. In the longer term we hope for a solution that sharply reduces military dangers – offering genuine neutralization to Ukraine and other countries, curtailing military exercises, and removing conventional and nuclear forces.
But peace will not come from pretending that the 100,000 Russian troops on the border don’t exist or that the military maneuvers of the U.S. and NATO are all that matter.
U.S. Army soldiers from the 18th Airborne Division prepare to board a C-17 aircraft as they deploy to Europe from Fort Bragg, N.C., on Thursday, Feb. 3, 2022. AP Photo/Chris Seward
This article was written for L’Anticapitaliste, the weekly newspaper of the New Anticapitalist Party (NPA) of France.
U.S. President Joseph Biden has begun to send small numbers of U.S. troops to Eastern European nations—some 8,500 altogether have been put on high alert—though none will go to Ukraine, which is not a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Is this a first step toward war?
President Vladimir Putin has mobilized some 140,000 troops that threaten Ukraine, largely because of the country’s increasing alignment with the West, and specifically because Putin opposes its joining NATO. Ukraine’s government has expressed a desire to join NATO, but European nations and the United States both oppose it joining now.
Biden has also warned Russia’s President Vladimir Putin of economic sanctions that will be “enormous” and “severe” if Russia invades Ukraine. The sanctions on banks, corporations, and the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline would have a devastating effect on the Russian economy, but also perhaps on the economies of Europe and the entire world. Biden’s opposition to Putin may also be motivated by concerns that if the United States doesn’t oppose him, it may encourage Xi Jinping, China’s leader, who would like to seize Taiwan.
Meanwhile in Congress, House Leader Nancy Pelosi has fast-tracked a bill that would give $500 million in military aid to Ukraine and impose further sanctions on Russia. Some House members have complained that fast-track, which eliminates much debate, will lead to military rather than diplomatic solutions.
The Progressive Caucus, which has 97 members in the House and one (Bernie Sanders) in the Senate, released a statement saying, “We continue to watch Russia’s threatening behavior towards Ukraine with alarm. There is no military solution out of this crisis — diplomacy needs to be the focus. We support the Biden Administration’s efforts to extend and deepen the dialogue, allowing for robust negotiations and compromise. We have significant concerns that new troop deployments, sweeping and indiscriminate sanctions, and a flood of hundreds of millions of dollars in lethal weapons will only raise tensions and increase the chance of miscalculation. Russia’s strategy is to inflame tensions; the United States and NATO must not play into this strategy.”
Bernie Sanders, criticized Putin for threatening to invade the Ukraine and called for diplomatic solutions, but would not speculate on military options.
The issue of support for Ukraine has roiled the Republican Party, with influential rightwing pundits and politicians opposing military aid to Ukraine and some even supporting Vladimir Putin of Russia. Former president Donald Trump, who admired Putin and tacitly supported Russia on various issues, opposes U.S. involvement, stating that Ukraine “is a European problem.” So, a beneficial side effect of the Ukraine controversy has been to cause a split at least on this issue.in the Republican Party that until now has been united behind Trump,
The U.S. far left has long opposed war and militarism. The Democratic Socialists of America, for example, calls for the abolition of NATO. The largest anti-war organization in the United States, Act Now to Stop War and End Racism (ANSWER), called for demonstrations on January 21 with the slogan “Stop War with Russia.” ANSWER, however, is a campist organization some of whose members actually support Russia. With COVID Omicron rampant and cold weather throughout much of the country and the anti-war movement weak, turnout was small and there was no media coverage.
Russia’s threats to Ukraine have created a new foreign policy political landscape. Some of the far right and much of the campist left now both share sympathy with Russia. The neoliberal Democrats and Republicans as well as the internationalist left support Ukraine, but for very different reasons. The U.S. government wants to expand its influence, while we on the internationalist left oppose Russia, NATO, and the United States and support self-determination for Ukraine.
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