Gentrification and Social War

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I first met Andrew Lee as he rapidly facilitated a meeting of a briefly-lived group that had formed to continue the fight against the mass displacement caused by gentrification in Portland, Oregon’s inner city core. Many of neighborhoods that were previously the center of Black Portland since the first half of the 20th Century were now littered by craft retail outlets, vegan eateries, and pop up cocktail bars, and a new set of property values and medium-rise condos came with them. The project was called Housing is for Everyone (HIFE), part of a post-Occupy effort by the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) to pick up on the community energy, particularly around housing, and move into the world of community organizing with union resources. If their low wage workers, such as homecare workers, were facing economic problems when they were looking for affordable housing, then a union should step beyond the shop floor to continue the fight. Class struggle takes place across the whole of our lives, not just one venue.

But like many projects, it lived briefly when it failed to generate steam once the resources were pulled out, and I, and Andrew, were back to thinking through housing through other projects. This led to work with the Portland Solidarity Network, re-establishing connections to the Take Back the Land movement, and other autonomous housing projects, sometimes reconvening the same group of people to take on momentary threats of eviction. All of this was foundational to the growth of a new class of housing organizing, particularly the formation of the Portland Tenants United tenants union, a founding member of the national Autonomous Tenants Union Network. While I stayed in Portland, Andrew moved down to the Bay to continue organizing, then to Philadelphia, which is seeing its own transition from the image of the (nearly) affordable East Coast city to a priced-out super metropolis in the model of New York City just an hour away.

 

In his new book, co-published with AK Press and the Institute for Anarchist Studies, Defying Displacement: Urban Recomposition and Social War, Andrew talks through the organizing reality of confronting housing as both a commodity and a human necessity. We talk through the changing nature of city housing, the problems with most progressive approaches to dwindling affordable housing access, and consider the opportunities that direct action provides when conceptualizing housing not just as a resource to fight for but as a battlefield in the class war.

 

Shane Burley: How would you explain gentrification to someone uninitiated, and how do we move beyond what you describe as a consumer-oriented critique? Who is really responsible as neighborhoods gentrify?

 

Andrew Lee: Gentrification is the economic displacement as neighborhoods are targeted for intensive capital investment to accommodate wealthier residents. Urban neighborhoods of color are the most “profitable” to gentrify, since owner-occupied homes in Black US neighborhoods are undervalued by an average of $48,000. This means a housing speculator can make tens of thousands of dollars simply with the changing racial composition of a neighborhood through forced displacement. Gentrification is a positive policy objective for corporations, universities, transnational financial institutions, and local political elites. A discourse which ends with the desire of an individual gentrifier to live in a certain neighborhood has the same limitations as any other variety of ethical consumerism: namely, it risks missing the economic and political forces that structure the market within which individual consumer preferences occur.

 

SB: What role does “liberated space,” such as housing occupations and blockades, bloc parties, squats, social centers, and the like have in building a mass movement against displacement? How do they work alongside other types of tactics that progressives focus on, like advocating for rent control or increased low-income housing?

 

AL: If we’re serious about not simply slowing down but actually stopping contemporary urban displacement—truly building secure, community-controlled neighborhoods to give to coming generations—we need to decommodify land, to remove it from the speculative market. Community land trusts, squats, and housing occupations all take land off the housing market, thereby creating the possibility of autonomous, democratic land use. Strategically, spaces like block parties and social centers serve as nuclei of resistance, centers of attraction operating against the centrifugal force of community dispersal.

 

SB: What are the limits of the supply argument for affordable housing that is so typically found in the YIMBY crowd?

 

AL: “Yes in My Backyard” ideologues argue that housing costs will only decrease if we increase housing supply across the board. They promote new housing development of all types, including market-rate housing—in the gentrifying city, this means housing marketed to gentrifiers. This argument makes intuitive sense, but only if you believe incorrectly that all housing units are essentially interchangeable, or fungible, goods. In reality, virtually every city meets and exceeds its goals for market-rate housing construction, and even overheated real estate markets like the San Francisco Bay Area have many times as many vacant units as unhoused people. The YIMBY political line is particularly nefarious because it’s saying that the only people who can fix housing unaffordability are the people who engineer and profit from it—developers, landlords, and real estate investors. To truly address displacement we need to confront, not reinforce, the financialization of housing and the reign of capital over community composition and survival.

 

SB: How does precarious housing relate to precarious work, and how can we connect labor and housing struggles to become congruent? Is this a question of building out union structures outside the workplace, a kind of community syndicalism, or are we seeing housing as its own completely distinct terrain of class subjectivity?

 

AL: Displacement is profitable because of a transformation in contemporary capitalism which incentivizes the concentration not of an urban industrial working class—whose members included previous generations of currently-gentrifying neighborhoods before outsourcing, automation, and deindustrialization—but a much smaller caste of highly-educated, highly-paid professionals, owners, and technicians working in tech, biotech, finance, real estate, and elite universities. They are pulled together in large firms, as on tech or university campuses, while low-wage workers are more likely to work at small businesses, as independent contractors, or in the informal economy. This situation is diametrically opposed, both spatially and industrially, to the proletarian urbanization and industrial concentration of the Second Industrial Revolution. For this reason, we ought to expand our tactical and strategic visions beyond those developed in that preceding epoch. As I wrote in a piece for Notes from Below which was an embryonic form of my book, “If the role of the political organization in industrial capitalism was to connect and generalize the strike, what are the concrete actions it must connect and generalize today?”

 

SB: What is this concept of counter-insurgency, and how does it relate to mass displacement? How does the rapidly accelerating carceral state relate to the transformations of neighborhoods?

 

AL: Modern counter-insurgency, the framework of military and social intervention designed to prevent civilian discontent from blooming into an insurgent, proto-revolutionary situation, was first elaborated during the Vietnam War before being almost immediately applied to combat urban unrest in American cities.

 

The counter-insurgency framework sees both the repressive force of the police and the military and the cooptative force of civil society patronage and social services used as tools to separate potential insurgents from community support. Consider how state elites deployed military and paramilitary force against protesters during the 2020 George Floyd Uprising at the same time as millions of dollars flowed to non-profits and politicians loudly promised (largely illusory) reforms.

 

We see a similar dynamic in gentrifying cities. Elites work to actively construct gentrification to create “superstar cities”: cities with high levels of displacement in favor of highly-paid professional workers. Their approach to the existing communities is therefore best understood not through the framework of democratic engagement but that of counter-insurgency, with the ruling class trying to manage and diffuse popular resistance as it engineers mass displacement.

 

SB: How are liberal politics, often in the form of the DEI infrastructure, being used to undermine direct action struggles around housing?

 

AL: The sponsors of gentrifying mega-projects like major tech firms and universities loudly proclaim their commitments to diversity and equity—when it suits their interests. The question is equity for whom? Gentrification targets Black and brown neighborhoods for removal, with these institutions invariably having dismally low levels of Black and Latinx representation. And it’s women and gender minorities, queer people, and disabled people who are exposed to the greatest harm when their neighborhoods gentrify. That would remain the case no matter how many people from a certain identity or background are “represented” among the gentrifiers. An institution profiting from mass displacement is inherently oppressive along all axis of power.

 

SB: How can movement chart a path around both class reductionism and liberal representationalism? What are the contours of our emerging class politics, and how are they different from decades previously?

 

AL: The most militant actually existing struggles around class in a multitude of cities around the world are taking the form of resistance to gentrification. These fights are deeply gendered and racialized as well as fundamentally grounded in the relationships distinct communities have to contemporary capitalist production. A class politics that flattens these struggles by observing that a software engineer and the precariously employed elder he displaces are both, in a sense, workers is, in my opinion, neither useful nor materialist. Similarly, identity politics which end at the inclusion of a certain percentage of an identity group within an elite caste that profits from the dispossession of the vast majority of members of that group cannot be considered properly anti-racist, feminist, etc.

 

SB: What are movements or organizations existing right now that you think are on the front lines of confronting displacement? What strategies or tactics make them distinct?

 

AL: The collaboration between the Black residents of the People’s Townhomes in West Philly and the Philadelphia Chinatown residents also fighting displacement are extremely encouraging to me, as is Decolonize Philly’s work bringing different land justice organizations together in conversation with one another. We need to remember that the far goal if we are to create enduring, resourced communities is to abolish the capitalist and colonialist property relations which allow for economic displacement, as well as to actively engage in the hard work of constructing intercommunal solidarity against the beneficiaries of the gentrification economy.

 

SB: What is the “social war” referenced in the book title? 

AL: We should be clear that gentrification is not an accidental process: it’s an intended, positive policy outcome for local government and a condition of production for the wealthiest firms in contemporary capitalism. Mass displacement is only possible with the threat of state violence, which in the contemporary US includes police departments armed with literal military weapons. Breonna Taylor was murdered by Louisville police because they believed her ex-partner, an accused drug dealer, was the “primary roadblock” to a billion-dollar neighborhood “revitalization” project. The local governments’ deployment of counter-insurgent practices to diffuse anti-displacement resistance is a tacit admission of a state of war: a low-level war of elimination against the residents of potentially-profitable neighborhoods.

This social war is a class war, but I share J. Sakai’s bewilderment that “whenever Western radicals hear words like ‘unions’ and ‘working class’ a rosy glow glazes over their vision, and the ‘Internationale’ seems to play in the background.” Because our theoretical and historical guidestones come to us from the nineteenth-century era of mass proletarianization, we’re often predisposed to think of class struggle as uniting all working people—irrespective of any other social determinants—in a community of interests. A white professor and an immigrant dishwasher may both be workers, but they find themselves on opposing sides of the struggle around gentrification: perhaps the most productive arena of class struggle in the contemporary economy.

 

Cornel West for President? – Part 7 – Ron Daniels for President- 1992

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Cornel West announced in early June that he was running for president of the United States as the candidate for the People’s Party and then as aspiring to be candidate of the Green Party. Now he has formed a new Justice for all Party on which he will run.

This series of articles explores the experience of Black political candidates for the nation’s highest offices.. In Part 1 of this article, we looked at the reaction of the left to West’s candidacy. In Part 2  we turn to look at the experience of four Black presidential candidates in 1968. In Part 3 we examined the campaign of Shirley Chisholm in 1972. In Part 4 of the series we recalled the experience of Angela Davis, twice candidate for vice-president. In Part 5 we looked at the experience of Clifton Berry in 1964. Part 6 adealt with t Rev. Jesse Jackson’s two campaigns in 1984 and 1988. Here in Part 7, we discuss Ron Daniels 1992 campaign.

Ron Daniels decided to run for president in 1992 after his experience as national director of the Rainbow Coalition during Jesse Jackson’s 1988 presidential campaign. Like many others, he believed that after Jacobson’s two remarkable campaigns, the Rainbow Coalition ht had supported Jackson could lead progressive forces and open a new progressive era in America. When Jackson effectively shut down the Rainbow, Daniels was disappointed and decided to run for president himself, hoping to have the support of the Rainbow forces and to be able to continue and dedevelop its work. But Daniels could not revive the Rainbow and his campaign failed to catch fire, despite his progressive civil rights, labor, and international agenda.

Child of a Black Working Class Family

Ron Daniels refers to himself as “the son of a coal miner and a coal miner’s daughter.”[i] His mother, Wealtha Marie White grew up in the coal mining communities of Beckley, West Virginia during the Great Depression. She married William Daniels, a man twenty years her senior, who had grown up in Talbot County, Georgia and gone to Beckley in search of work. There Bill Daniels became a union steward in the United Mine Workers when John L. Lewis was still the head of the union. He was also active in the NAACP. When Ron Daniels was still a boy, his parents moved to Youngtown, Ohio where his father became a steelworker and a member of the Unite Steel Workers. With his savings, Bill and Wealtha also opened up Daniels’ Grocery and Confection, or the “Colored Store,” a small store. The young Ron Daniels also lived at times in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Whether in Youngstown or Pittsburgh, he lived in def facto segregated communities, in what he called the “dark ghettos.”

His parents divorced when he was nine and he then lived with his mother in Pittsburgh where as a single mother she raised her four children. At the age of 12, Ron Daniels was baptized Ebenezer Baptist Church, joined the Baptist Young People’s Union, and was the youngest delegate to the state Baptist convention held in Philadelphia. A military veteran in his neighborhood  organized a group in Pittsburgh called the Cadet Corps that Daniels replicated in Youngtown. “…a paramilitary youth organization, which showcased my leadership potential and laid the foundation for my eventual rise as a civil rights/social justice scholar/activist/leader.” The group of serious young men caught people’s attention and Daniels was noticed as, “…a young man that some said might one day be the first Black president, Ron Daniels.”

Civil Rights and Black Power Activist

Still an adolescent in high school, Daniels became an NAACP youth leader, and later founded the college chapter at Youngstown State University. It was his involvement in the NAACP that made it possible for him to attend the March on Washington in 1963. After graduating from college with a B.A. in History, Daniels went to Graduate School of Public Affairs (later the Rockefeller School of Public Affairs and Policy) to pursue a master’s degree in political science. It was there that he met Black power activists from new movements and organizations, leading him to write his master’s thesis “Black Power: An Ideology on Anvil.”

Daniels writes, “I returned to Youngtown transformed. I had left an NAACP leader committed to its ‘integrationist’ approach. I returned as a defender of Black Power with its manifestations of Black consciousness, historical/cultural awareness,

institution-building and empowerment.” In Youngstown, Daniels now began to organize community organizations, such as Unity, Cooperation, and Action, Freedom, Inc., the Uhuru Center and others. He became a leader of the Midwest Regional Coalition, Federation of the Pan -African Education Institutions. In the course of all of this this activity, he met activists from CORE and SNCC and developed relations with them

The National Black Political Convention held on March 10–12, 1972 in Gary, Indiana created the National Black Political Assembly, originally chaired by the triumvirs Congressman Charles C. Diggs, Gary Mayor Richard G. Hatcher, and poet Amir Baraka (LeRoi Jones) of New Jersey.  In 1974 Daniels was elected its president. The convention led many African Americans throughout the country to run for political office, Ron Daniels among them. In 1977, Daniels ran for mayor of Youngstown, but despite the support of congressmen Walter Fauntroy and Ron Dellums, Daniels lost.  In the 1980s he became involved with the National Committee for Independent Political Action with his associate, civil rights attorney Arthur Kinoy.

Presidential Campaign

As he writes regarding his movement and political organizing in Ohio, “And it was a body of work that would elevate me to the status of a national/international leader, recruited to become Executive Director of the National Rainbow, Deputy Campaign Manager for Rev. Jesse Jackson’s 1988 presidential bid… ” When the Jackson campaign ended and the Rainbow was demobilized, Daniels attempted to pick up the torch, announcing his candidacy for president at a news conference October 14, 1991. He chose as his running mate Asiba Tupahache a woman who was a Matinecoc Native American activist from New York.

Daniels ran on the principles he had developed over the previous decades: Black civil rights and improvements in the Black economic, social, and political situation, support for an independent political party, and for solidarity with Blacks in Africa and throughout the diaspora. As he said, however, while white political parties were exclusive, his model was a politics of inclusion in which all would benefit from the promotion of progressive values and the passing of progressive legislation.

On Election Day, Democrat Bill Clinton won with 44,909,889 or 43% of the vote; Republican George w. Bush received 39,104,550 or 37%; and conservative independent Ross Perot got 19,743,821 or 18.9%. That was also the year that Ralph Nader first entered a presidential contest, though he appeared on the ballot in only a couple of states and received only a few thousand votes.  Daniels The Daniels-Tupahache ticket received 27,949 votes for 0.03%; they may also have received as many as 20,000 write-in votes in various states. They won no delegates.

As Bill Fletcher, Jr. commented, “Daniels overestimated how well he was known and the support he would have from the former Jesse Jackson and Rainbow supporters.”

“Pragmatic Progressive’

After his 1992 campaign, Daniels remained active as an organizer, speaker, and writer involved in the Black movement in America and in solidarity campaigns with peoples in Africa and the diaspora. He characterizes himself as a “pragmatic progressive” who, while he works for independent political action, is not necessarily opposed to campaigns in the Democratic Party, such as those of Jesse Jackson and Bernie Sanders. Regarding the campaign of fellow Black progressive Cornel West, Daniels says, “I hope he will make some strong demands and then drop out of the race so that we can deliver a crushing blow to the Maga  [Trump] Republicans.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[i] The account of Daniels’ life comes from a conversation with him in February 2024 and from his book Still on This Journey: The Vision and Mission of Dr. Ron Daniels (n.p.: State of the Black World Press, 2019), pp. 1-55.

“Tensions are building in Ukrainian society as a result of neoliberal policies imposed by the government”

An interview with Oksana Dutchak, member of the Commons editorial team
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After two years of war, how do you see the situation in Ukraine?

After two years of war, the situation is both the same and different. The war goes on, but there are changes in the context—both internal and external. All of these changes were predictable from the very beginning in the highly likely scenario of prolonged war—which doesn’t mean that many, including myself, didn’t have hopes for less likely positive scenarios.

We have been witnessing different tensions accumulating in Ukrainian society—most of those are caused by the predictable neoliberal policies, imposed by the government with the pretext of wartime necessity. Using the justification of economic hardship and the ideology of “free market” capitalism, instead of supporting the universal social rights, already damaged by the economic crisis, the government defends the interest of business at the expense of workers’ rights and social support for the pre-existing and newly emerging underprivileged groups. These steps go totally against the logic of all those relatively effective centralized and, to an extent, socially-oriented policies implemented elsewhere during the war.

Due to these policies, which are the ideological continuation from previous years, the general mobilization of the population’s efforts and the relative unity of Ukrainian society is under the process of steady erosion. After the first months of mobilization to defend their communities, many people are now hesitant—and some object—to the idea of risking one’s life. There are many reasons for this. For example, the relative localization of the threat from Russia, the unrealistic expectation of a quick “victory,” promoted by a part of the political establishment and some mainstream opinion-makers, and the consequential disappointment, and numerous contradictions of interests, individuals’ situations and choices in the structured chaos of the prolonged war. However, the feeling of injustice plays a prominent role. On the one hand, there is the feeling of injustice in relation to the process of mobilization, where wealth or corruption lead to predominantly, but not exclusively, working-class people being mobilized, which goes against the ideal image of “people’s war” in which all the society participate. And some cases of injustice within the army add to this. On the other hand, the lack of a relatively attractive and socially just reality and prospects for the future play an important role in individual choices of various kinds.

Of course, this doesn’t mean that all of society decided to abstain from the struggle against Russian aggression, quite the contrary: most understand the gloomy prospects of occupation or frozen conflict, which may escalate with the renewed efforts. While the majority oppose many actions of the government and may even hate it (a traditional attitude in the political reality of Ukraine for decades), there are stronger public sentiments that are highly unlikely to change in the future: namely, opposition to the Russian invasion and distrust in any potential “peace” settlement with the Russian government (which violated and continues to violate everything, starting from bilateral agreements, and ending with international law and international humanitarian law). However, a socially-just vision of policies during the war and of post-war reconstruction are prerequisites to channel individual struggles for survival into a conscious effort of community and social struggle—against invasion and for socio-economic justice.

The external context has steadily changed too. There have been new military conflicts in different parts of the globe, which are, like the Russian invasion, further symptoms of the “burning” periphery caused by declining Western hegemony and the consequent new struggle for “spheres of influence,” as well as regional and global hegemony. These escalations, as well as some major failures of Ukrainian diplomacy ,for example, the use of “Western civilization” rhetoric, which alienates people beyond the Western world, and right populist trends in many countries, have their negative impact on international support of Ukrainian society.

In the light of these dynamics, it is extremely important to develop internally and support externally the workers’ movement and other progressive forces in Ukraine. It is also important for the Ukrainian progressive movement to build connections and mutual solidarities with national liberation, labor, and other progressive struggles in other parts of the globe. I don’t believe there is a chance to reverse the tide of the global imperialist and neocolonial revival or right-wing populism in the near future. But we have to develop the left infrastructure for the coming struggles. We came to this gloomy stage somehow unprepared and we have to do our best to preclude such a scenario in the future.

What is the situation of Commons[1] and your projects?

We continue working despite all the circumstances, including the most painful—the loss of a prominent economist, our editor and friend Oleksandr Kravchuk, the loss of a prominent gonzo-anthropologist, our author and friend Evheny Osievsky, and some other friends, colleagues, comrades, some of whom were killed in action. Additionally, some of our editors and authors volunteered for the army, others are overloaded with fundraising, providing supplies for humanitarian needs, and supporting left and antiauthoritarian volunteers. Yet others are scattered across the country and across the borders as internally displaced people and refugees, managing individual survival and sometimes being or becoming single mothers due to displacement and war.

During the first year of the full-scale invasion, we considered three tasks to be important for us as a left media—to engage in leftist debates on the Russian imperialist invasion, to describe the realities of war and its impact on people in Ukraine as well as on Ukrainian refugees abroad, and to intervene with a critical perspective on ongoing and planned policies and reforms by the Ukrainian government. With time passing, by the end of 2022, we considered that most of the people had made up their minds and few can be convinced to change their position—though we are grateful to those who continue interventions in the leftist discussion from the position of solidarity with Ukrainian people. On our side, we summarized our position in an issue, available online and in a printed version (revenue from selling goes to Solidarity Collectives): a collection of the text from our web-site, which we consider the most important.

We rethought the flow of these debates and decided where to apply our efforts. We felt that too few direct bridges were built directly between the Ukrainian experience and the experiences of other peripheral countries going through wars, debt dependencies, austerities, and struggles against those. So, the project “Dialogues of the Peripheries” emerged and some of our editors consider it to be the main focus for us in the near future. Though, of course, other topics remain and we continue to write about problems and struggles in Ukraine, about history, culture, the ecology, and different important spheres. We continue to describe the self-organization of people in Ukraine—either as volunteer initiatives or trade unions. In 2023 we managed to do it in a series of video-reportages “Look at this!” and even made a short documentary about the movement of nurses in Ukraine.

I must emphasize that all this would be impossible without our editors and authors, as well as without support from many left organizations, initiatives, and people from abroad.

What do you hope for the year 2024?

There are different levels of hope. I have my personal hopes; I also have a dream that I share with most of the people in Ukraine—that the war will end in a way that will be favorable for a democratic and socially just future in Ukraine or at least in a way that will not preclude productive struggles for such a future. My personal hopes and society’s shared dream are connected, of course. In summer 2023 I returned from Germany to Kyiv which I considered to be my city for some years,  and I don’t want to go anywhere else anymore. I’m not naïve and understand that most probably our dream for a favorable end of the war in 2024 is just a dream. But one needs a dream to build one’s hopes on it.

As for Commons (Spilne in Ukrainian), we hope to continue our work, to write and to discuss what is important for us, and to be useful to progressive struggles in Ukraine. We hope to continue with the Dialogues of the Peripheries, to inform Ukrainian readers about contexts, problems, and struggles in other countries; to build connections and understanding with people in other peripheral realities, hoping to contribute to mutual solidarity in progressive struggles.

Interview by Patrick Le Tréhondat, February 3, 2024

Oksana Dutchak is a sociologist and researcher in the fields of labor issues and gender inequality and an editor at Commons. She lives in Kyiv.

[1] See “Commons: A Ukrainian left-wing collective intellectual

 

The New U.S. Labor Movement

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President Joe Biden walks along the UAW picket line and engages with union members at the GM Willow Run Distribution Center, Tuesday, September 26, 2023, in Belleville, Michigan. (Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz)

The article below is based on notes I prepared for my part in the Marxism List Forum held on Feb. 3, 2024 on the subject of “The New U.S. Labor Movement: An Update on the Resurgence of Labor in the United States” where I spoke with Bill Fletcher, Jr. and Eric Blanc. 

The video of the panel can be found here.

The labor movement in the United States is passing through a transition from the stagnation of the period from 1980-2010 to a new period of dynamic change in industrial decentralization, new technologies, work, organization, union activism, and the enormous and enveloping issue of climate change. The new labor activism has been accompanied by new social movements from Black Lives Matter to the new Palestinian solidarity movement. At the same time, the far right has been active fighting progressive ideas and policies from local library and school boards to judicial appointments and elections at all levels. Led by Donald Trump and his political allies is preparing an executive and legislative program to suppress the rights of workers, minority group, women, LGBTQ people, and immigrants. So, this moment opens both progressive possibilities and reactionary dangers.

A New Era of Strikes

The last few years have seen a resurgence of strikes in the United States beginning with teacher strikes in 2019 and culminating last year in major strikes by actors and writers for in the movie industry, the health workers strike at Kaiser Permanente, and the United Auto Workers strike against all big three car makers. In 2023 we saw a real strike wave. According to Barron’s there were 400 strikes involving 400,000 workers. As Kate Bronfenbrenner wrote, “not only are more workers striking, but more unions are winning, and winning big.” These strikes are very significant, though they are still a far cry from the last great strike wave of 1970.

Workers have also carried out short strikes and brief walkouts at Amazon warehouses and Starbucks coffee shops where there are on-going organizing campaigns. Workers of all sorts have begun to engage in strikes against their employers so that we can say we have in the United States the beginning of a return to open class struggle.

Women have played a central role in the strikes of teachers, health and hospital workers. And Black and Latino workers have been important local leaders and activists in strikes of both industrial and service strikes. While racial and gender tensions are rife in our society, they do not seem to have so far inhibited joint workers’ action, though racism and sexism continue to exist in the many workplaces and in some union

The strikes are not only for labor’s usual demands of higher wages, better conditions, and health benefits, but also defensive measures against technological change, whether AI in the movie industry and electronic vehicles in the auto industry. Other groups of workers, such as Los Deliveristas Unidos, are organizing among the 65,000 delivery workers in New York City whose work is controlled by electronic platforms. Nurses have been fighting for higher staffing levels in hospitals and clinics that have been transformed by technology which has reorganized their workplaces. Yet, these strikes are taking place only among a small proportion of the working class. Today unions represent only 6% of all private sector workers.

The New Labor Leaders—A Mixed Bag

Some of these unions, like the UAW, have had rank-and-file caucuses that fought for changes in the leadership and pushed for these strikes. The strikes and the words of leaders such as Fran Drescher and Shawn Fain, who discuss strikes as demonstrations of “working class power” against the corporations and “the billionaire class,” suggest that not only is there a break with the passivity of U.S. unions for the past 50 years, but also a change in rhetoric that may contribute to a change in class consciousness. Shawn Fain says that the UAW will “organize like hell” among the as yet unorganized auto companies such as Tesla and Toyota. He has also called for all unions to synchronize their contracts to expire on May 1, 2028 to make possible a national general strike. No union leader has talked about such things for more than 100 years.

In the Teamsters, on the other hand, union president Sean O’Brien gave militant speeches, and with the backing of Teamsters for a Democratic Union, Labor Notes, and the Democratic Socialists of America, was hailed as a reformer and a militant. But he preferred to reach an accommodation with UPS that failed to resolve the issues of part-timers but avoided a strike. Many rank-and-filers and leftist union activists were disillusioned and disappointed by O’Brien. All of this opened up space for a new opposition group made up of a small number of leftists and rank-and-file UPS workers in a new dissident group called Teamster Mobilize.

In any case, whoever leads the unions, we should remember that the labor bureaucracy, especially at the highest levels of big city, state, and national officials, constitutes a social caste with its own interests and ideology. Labor officials often enjoy a privileged situation economically and socially compared to the workers they represent. The officials, based on their social position where workers, bosses, and government intersect, tend to believe they know what is best for the working class. In reality, they face pressures from both employers and workers and most attempt to placate both. Some even become the employers’ disciplinarian of the workers, enforcing the no-strike for the life of the contract pledge found in most contracts. Rank-and-file organizations are necessary to put forward militant leaders and keep them on the workers’ side.

Unions and Politics

Most unions and most workers usually support the Democrats because they believe the Republicans would be worse. Union leaders also prefer the Democrats because the politicians’ backing can represent an alternative to rank-and-file mobilization, especially in the public sector. Many unions and their leaders have a longtime and intimate relationship with Democratic politicians and believe they have leverage with this, though it is often difficult to demonstrate the benefits.

President Joe Biden, in a first in U.S. history, went to a UAW picket line where he spoke in favor the union, as had Senator Bernie Sanders. Not surprising, then, that Fain and the UAW executive board has endorsed Biden for president, though there was no union-wide discussion, meetings or vote. Many UAWs members are politically conservative. An internal UAW poll conducted last summer showed that 30% of members supported Biden, 30% backed Trump, and 40% were independent, that is, voters most of whom sometimes support the Democrats and sometimes the Republicans. The great majority of unions endorse Biden, but the rank-and-file members of the building trades largely supported Trump in 2016, in 2020, and most still do. The same is true of other white industrial workers in unions such as the United Steel Workers. Teamster leader Sean O’Brien, who has glad-handed a number of far-right Republicans, recently went to Mar-a-Lago to meet with Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump, angering some members. But O’Brien’s remarks after a recent meeting with Trump at which the Teamster leader praised Biden’s accomplishments, suggest that meeting with Trump was a sop to his union’s Trump supporters and that, in the end, the union will endorse Biden.

Worker militancy, even when accompanied by an incipient class consciousness, does not necessarily correlate with radicalization or a leftward leaning politics. With the vanguard of the current labor militancy, the UAW, endorsing Biden, and with many rank-and-file workers mesmerized by Trump, there is little chance of some new progressive political development in the working class. While many on the left would like to see the creation of a Labor Party, there is not even any serious discussion of such a development in the unions. The Green Party, the largest and most significant left party in the country, on the ballot in most states, has virtually no following among unions. Its presidential candidates usually receive about 1 to 2 percent of the vote nationally. An independent candidate like Cornel West has just begun to organize a new political party, but, so far, his name appears on only two state ballots. Most unions and progressive workers find the threat of Trump’s authoritarian quasi-fascist politics too threatening to vote for a third party.

The Left in the Unions

There are hundreds of young radicals active in a number of unions—nurses, teachers, the UAW and the Teamsters, for example—some are members of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and others members of some smaller socialist group. Some of these leftists work with Labor Notes, a newspaper, a website, and educational and training center that works to further union democracy, militancy, solidarity, and internationalism. Both DSA and Labor Notes have worked to establish networks of rank-and-file caucuses such as those in the teacher’s union. Still the left in the unions is not large enough nor coherent enough to actually lead any important unions or workers movements.

The left in the unions is generally in favor of more militant action but also sometimes raises other issues. Many leftists in the union made efforts to involve their unions in the Black Lives Matter movement. Some leftists in the labor movement work  to involve the unions in developing policies that can become legislation to deal with climate change. They mobilize union members for example to join the climate marches. For decades now, partly thanks to the left, many unions have developed strong positions for women’s and LGBT people’s rights.

Most recently, some union activists have expressed support for a ceasefire in Israel’s war on Gaz, and some UAW members spoke out at the union conference and voted against endorsing Biden who continues to provide arms to Israel. As the popular leader of his union, Shawn Fain has been able to speak to call for a ceasefire and show support for the Palestinians. Not all union activists are in a position to do so. The ceasefire and Palestine solidarity positions taken, for example, by teachers’ unions in the Bay Area, have proven divisive in the union and in the community. Raising such issues requires a base in the union, education on the issue, and finesse. Unions that passed such resolutions have been accused of anti-Semitism and have not been prepared to rebut such false accusations.

The Possibility of a Labor Upsurge and Radicalization

Leftists have historically looked to economic crises to detonate mass working class struggle, often exaggerating the possibilities of a crisis and expecting an automatic and immediate response from workers. No such crisis has occurred since the Great Depression of 1929, almost 100 years ago, and the workers reaction then took at least four years to begin then. Today we have no such crisis. While many Americans perceive that the economy is weak, there is little basis for this in fact and the situation is not dire for most working-class people. While there is a lot of economic inequality in the United States, and it is growing, and a good deal of poverty, we are not now in an economic crisis such as the 2008 Great Recession caused by the bursting of the housing bubble or the 2020 crisis that resulted from the COVID pandemic. And neither of those produced a worker upsurge.

The economy revived and remains strong with high levels of profitability, higher wages, the lowest unemployment in decades. Inflation—at the cost of some jobs and wage gains—has been brought under control by government policies. As usual, the situation is worse for Black and Latino workers. On the other hand, when the economy is strong and there is low unemployment, workers often feel they can make bigger demands and take action without fear of being fired and unable to find a job. So, there is little likelihood that the current economic situation will in the short term precipitate an upsurge and radicalization of labor—though we also know that crises can erupt suddenly as they have done repeatedly in the last forty years, such as 1981-82 and 2007-08.

Or Perhaps a Political Crisis

We could also imagine, however, that a political crisis could affect the working class. Since Trump’s refusal to concede his defeat, accompanied by a four-year campaign of lies and agitation, as well as the insurrection and attempted coup of January 6, 2021, there is an underlying political instability in the country. The right has mobilized around issues of gender and race at school and library board meetings and also targeting teachers and librarians. A serious political crisis is likely should Trump lose the election, leading to violent responses from his followers. How the unions would respond to such a development remains unclear.

If Trump, on the other hand, should win, he and his advisors are planning to reorganize the federal government, doing away with laws and regulations that protect workers’ rights, the rights of racial minorities, women, LGBT people, and that provide social benefits. All of this is laid out in great detail in the Project 2025 policy agenda titled Mandate for Leadership. Our existing civil rights, labor law, and whatever remains or immigration protection would be erased. One can see these change as taking us back to the 1950s or even the 1920s or forward into a new authoritarian regime on the way to fascism.

If Trump is elected, the working class could well be faced with an authoritarian government and repression such as we haven’t known for decades. We should remember that during World War I, Woodrow Wilson’s administration suppressed the Socialist Party and the Industrial Workers of the World, and that the army, police, and the American Legion destroyed union and socialist halls and print shops and large numbers of leftists and labor activists were beaten, imprisoned, and a few killed. Also, recall the Smith Act trials of 1941 when the Trotskyist Teamster leaders in Minneapolis were tried, convicted and imprisoned. And the McCarthyist period of the 1950s when many Communists were jailed, left-led unions repressed, and workers fired. Unions were not able to stand up to the repression either in the 1920s or the 1950s. Once again, how the union movement will react in such a case remains to be seen. We don’t know whether such a repressive environment would lead to mass labor action or to a new labor radicalization. In any case, we should have our eyes wide open as we go forward.

The left’s agenda, then, despite the unique character of the moment, remains largely the same as it has been for some time. Organize rank-and-file workers, organized and unorganized, into a militant clas-struggle movement, ally with Black, Latino, women’s, and LGBT movements to fight the right wing’s racist, sexist, and anti-working-class agenda, work with the climate justice movement to fight climate change, and build an independent political movement. We have a lot to do.

 

 

 

We Need Creative Measures Against the Genocidaires

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As Gaza nears four months of siege, as the number of trucks being allowed into Gaza do pitifully little to ease hunger, Genocide Joe and leaders of a dozen other countries have decided to double-down on genocide. They are “suspending” money to UNRWA, the UN agency that has been keeping Palestinians from starvation and misery for decades. The cut-off to UNRWA took place on the same day the International Court of Justice (ICJ) rulings that demanded Israel prevent acts of genocide while the ICJ mounts a years-long investigation into whether genocide has already occurred. The timing was no coincidence. Israel knew the ICJ would hand down a tough judgement against it. So, it prepared an offensive against the UNRWA to blunt the impact of the ICJ opinion.

Israel has long opposed an independent agency to help Palestinians, but this year during its war on Gaza it saw a chance to destroy it. At the start of January researcher Noga Arbel told the Israeli Knesset Foreign Policy and Public Diplomacy subcommittee, “It will be impossible to win the war if we do not destroy UNWRA and this destruction must begin immediately”. Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz called for the United Nations’ refugee agency for Palestinians to be replaced with agencies dedicated to genuine peace and development. The Times of Israel reported on January 29 that a classified Foreign Ministry report has a plan to “push the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA, out of the Gaza Strip post-war.”

UNRWA received the Israeli charges about a dozen workers on the 26th and immediately fired nine of them. Two others accused are dead. Did the workers get a chance to defend themselves? Apparently they were fired first with the “independent investigation” to come later. Despite cooperating to the hilt with Israel UNRWA now is being charged further. Reuters reports Israel claims “190 UN staff to be hardened militants.”

After hearing about the alleged crimes of 12 out of 13,000 UNRWA workers in Gaza, the “West” rushed to further punish Palestinians with the aid suspension. UNRWA doesn’t have any reserves. It relies on constant donations. The agency won’t have money to provide food and educational services after February. All the outrage coming from Israel and the U.S. over the supposed participation in the October 7 attacks contrasts sharply with the total lack of outrage at Israeli killings of UN workers. As of December 2023 Israel had killed 134. No country suspended aid to Israel over those crimes.

Is it too soon to use the word Holodomor, the Ukrainian word for hunger-murder, to describe what’s going on in Gaza? The Holodomor was Stalin’s mass murder by starvation of Ukrainians in the 1930’s. The U.N. is already describing starvation in Gaza. A group of its agencies said in December, “At least one in four households – or 577,000 people – in Gaza are already facing catastrophic hunger.” The United Nations has categories for “acute food insecurity”, five categories, as if it was a hurricane: stressed, crisis, emergency, catastrophe and famine. Famine is when people start dying in large numbers daily, but “catastrophe” which is the category where half a million in Gaza find themselves is bad enough. Its characteristic are “Starvation, death, destitution and extremely critical acute malnutrition.” The Israeli government says their war is likely to go on for months. The U.N. predicts this will mean Gaza will suffer famine, the absolute worst hunger situation.

I’m directly anguished from hearing about hunger sufferings of the family of one person with whom I’ve worked. The father’s name is Anas and he worked at a project to create sustainable food sources in Gaza City . Now his own family is starving. His home was bombed right after the Hamas attack on Oct. 7. The family went from place to place. For a while he was living in a closed hospital until that was bombed. His wife gave birth without any medical care. Anas had to deliver the baby himself while listening to instructions over the phone. But the family is starving. His wife can’t produce enough milk for the newborn.

There’s no mystery on the cause of this. Responding to the Hamas attack and atrocities Israel’s Defense Minister on October 9 said his military was fighting “human animals” and “there will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.” He was as good as his word. Because of 17 years of Israeli blockade Gaza cannot feed itself, cannot even get enough clean water from its aquifers. It has relied on massive charity. In recent years 500 trucks a day brought in aid. That was totally cut by the Israeli siege. After protest by aid agencies Israel allowed in 100 trucks a day and then another 79 in mid-December, but because the roads and streets have been ruined it’s very difficult to distribute. The New York Times reported in mid-January 2024 that an average of 129 trucks per day were making it into Gaza. In late January some of those deliveries were obstructed. Israeli protesters unhappy with Netanyahu’s efforts to free hostages blocked trucks at the Kerem Shalom crossing.

The situation in northern Gaza is the worst with regard to food. With all the attention to Israeli bombing in Khan Younis and Rafah it’s almost forgotten that there are 300,000 to 400,000 Palestinians still in the north. It’s getting worse. The New York Times reports that the U.N. was able to get only 21% of their food trucks into northern Gaza in the first weeks of January compared to 70% at the end of 2023. Andrea de Domenico, the U.N. official in charge of coordinating humanitarian aid in the West Bank and Gaza, told the Times the situation “is reaching a level of inhumanity that for me is beyond comprehension.”

What’s it like to starve? Within days, faced with nothing to eat, the body begins feeding on itself. The body starts to consume energy stores — carbohydrates, fats and then the protein parts of tissue. Eventually the body consumes its own muscle including heart muscle. Without food death is imminent.

What can be done? The protests of hundreds of thousands were important, but we have to move on. Walking down empty streets with signs empowers us, but does little more than make genocidaires uncomfortable. Instead, we need pickets of Congressional offices, not one-off affairs, but continuing ones with names and pictures of the members of Congress supporting genocide. Find the names of their big contributors and picket them, too.

On the positive side we need efforts to pack City Councils to demand resolutions calling for ceasefire, withdrawal of Israeli troops and the restoring and restocking of Palestinian hospitals and the rebuilding of Palestinian homes. That’s happened already in a number of big cities including Bridgeport, Providence, Detroit, Minneapolis, Oakland and San Francisco. We need those resolutions, too, in unions. Unlike during past attacks on Gaza American unions now are rising to the challenge. The two-million-member Service Employees International Union is the largest and latest. It follows the United Auto Workers, the United Electrical Workers, and the American Postal Workers Union and a host of others. Eventually this could lead to job actions.

Raise also the question of investments in Israel, whether in State of Israel bonds, Israeli shekels, and Israeli companies especially those directly involved with Israeli warfare and enforcement of the occupation. After decades of pressure most state governments and many labor unions own Israel bonds. Write to your state’s Treasurer’s office and ask for a spreadsheet of their expose to Israeli securities and currency. You probably have a legal right to it. Put the spreadsheet or PDF through the excellent free online app created by the Quakers (AFSC) called “Investigate”. It will tell you in seconds about investments in warfare, prisons and occupations.

Use all kinds of peaceful creative measures to embarrass, shame, inconvenience and bother the mass killers. Take hints from climate and Black Lives Matters movements and imitate their most effective methods. Remember, from Ukraine to Palestine, genocide is still a crime.

Gaza: A Ghastly Window into the Crisis of Global Capitalism

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As the world watches in horror over the mounting death toll of Palestinian civilians and Israel faces charges before the International Court of Justice for the Crime of Genocide, the carnage in Gaza gives us a ghastly window into the rapidly escalating crisis of global capitalism.  Connecting the dots from the merciless Israeli destruction of Gaza to this global crisis requires that we step back to bring into focus the big picture.  Global capitalism faces a structural crisis of overaccumulation and chronic stagnation.  But the ruling groups also face a political crisis of state legitimacy, capitalist hegemony, and widespread social disintegration, an international crisis of geopolitical confrontation, and an ecological crisis of epochal proportions.

Global corporate and political elites are in a drunkard’s hangover from the world capitalist boom of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries.  They have had to acknowledge that the crisis is out of control.  In its 2023 Global Risk Report, the World Economic Forum warned that the world confronts a “polycrisis” involving escalating economic, political, social, and climactic impacts that “are converging to shape a unique, uncertain and turbulent decade to come.”  The Davos elite may be clueless as to how to resolve the crisis but other factions of the ruling groups are experimenting with how to mold interminable political chaos and financial instability into a new and more deadly phase of global capitalism.

While the military outcome of the Gaza war has yet to be determined, there is no doubt that Israel and its enablers in the core states of world capitalist system are losing the political war for legitimacy.  The initial months of siege on Gaza appeared to crystallize a Washington-NATO-Tel Aviv axis prepared to normalize genocide even at great political cost.  Yet the Palestinian plight has touched a raw nerve among mass publics around the world, especially among youth, giving new energy to the global revolt of the working and popular classes that has been gaining momentum in recent years and heightening the political contradictions of the crisis.  In the United States, from where we pen these lines, there has been an extraordinary outpouring of solidarity with Palestine led by a younger generation of Jews who do not identify with Zionism and the Jewish state.  The Palestinian flag, raised around the world in street demonstrations, sporting events, and social media platforms, has become a symbol of popular rage and global intifada against the prevailing status quo.

The twentieth century saw at least five cases of acknowledged genocide, defined by the United Nations Convention as a crime committed with the intent to destroy a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, in whole or in part.  The century started with the genocide of the Herero and Nama by German colonialists from 1904 to 1908 in what is today Namibia.  This was followed by the Ottoman genocide of Armenians in 1915 and 1916, the Nazi holocaust of 1939-1945, and the Rwandan genocide of 1994.  As Israeli genocide in Gaza is livestreamed the rules of warfare no longer apply, if they ever did, for Tel Aviv and Washington.  There were more civilian deaths recorded in Gaza in the first two months of the conflict, nearly 20,000, than in the first 20 months of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, which took 9,614 civilian lives.  Whether the Israeli siege consummates genocide in the first twenty-first century may be determined less on the military than on the global political battlefield.  Israel may be a testing ground for the ruling groups from the Washington-NATO-Tel Aviv axis to see just how far they can enjoy impunity before the costs of Israel’s siege become too high.

Surplus Capital, Surplus Labor, Genocide

The crisis of world capitalism in the 1930s paved the way for the rise of fascism in Europe, the violent breakdown of the international political and economic order, and a second world war that brought devastation previously unimaginable.  The Great Depression had been preceded by an age of giddy capitalist excess amidst inequalities and rising mass discontent, the so-called gilded age that saw unrestrained capital rush headlong into the such a crisis of overaccumulation that it all came crashing down in 1929.  The 2008 global financial collapse marked the onset of a new crisis of overaccumulation and chronic stagnation.

The political economy of genocide in our time is marked by this crisis.  The problem of surplus capital is endemic to capitalism but over the past couple of decades it has reached extraordinary levels.  The leading transnational corporations and financial conglomerates have reporded record profits at the same time that corporate investment has declined.  The transnational capitalist class has accumulated obscene amounts of wealth, well beyond what it can reinvest.  The extreme concentration of the planet’s wealth in the hands of the few and the accelerated impoverishment and dispossession of the majority has made it increasing difficult for this TCC to find new outlets to unload enormous amounts of accumulated surplus.  Transnational capitalists and their agents in states have relied on debt-driven growth, wild financial speculation, the plunder of public finance, and state-organized militarized accumulation to sustain the global economy in the face of chronic stagnation.  As outlets to unload surplus accumulated capital dry up new outlets must be violently created.

The Israeli political economy is emblematic.  The siege of Gaza and the West Bank is a form of primitive accumulation aimed at cracking open new space for transnational accumulation.  In late October, as Israeli bombardment intensified, Israel set about granting licenses to transnational energy companies for gas and oil exploration off the Mediterranean coast, part of its plan to become a major regional gas producer and energy hub as well as an alternative to Russian gas for Western Europe.  One Israeli real estate company notorious for building settlements in occupied Palestinian territories published an advertisement in December for the construction of luxury homes in bombed out Gaza neighborhoods, while others spoke of resuscitating the Ben Gurion Canal Project that has been dormant since it was originally proposed in the 1960s.  The project involves building an alternative to the Egyptian-run Suez Canal that would run from the Gulf of Aqaba across the Negev desert and Gaza out to the Mediterranean.  The only thing stopping the newly-revised Canal project is the presence of Palestinians in Gaza.

But two things had to happen before genocide could become an option.  First, the role of Palestinian labor in the Israeli economy had to be resolved.  The 1948 Nakba that established the Jewish state involved the violent expulsion of the Palestinians and the expropriation of their land but also the subordinate incorporation of hundreds of thousands of Palestinian laborers to work on Israeli farms, construction sites, industries, caregiving and other service jobs and the conversion of the West Bank into a captive market for Israeli capitalists.  This marked a tension between the drive to ethnically cleans the Jewish state and the need it had for cheap, ethnically demarcated labor.  Starting in the 1990s Israel began to resolve this tension between dispossession/super-exploitation and dispossession/expulsion in favor of the latter.  Transnational labor mobility and recruitment have made it possible for capitalists around the world, including from Israel, to reorganize labor markets and to recruit transient labor forces that are disenfranchised and easy to control.  In this way, Israel has been gradually replacing the Palestinian labor force with migrant labor.

Israel imposed its “closure” policy in 1993, in the wake of the first intifada, that is, sealing off Palestinians in occupied territories, ethnic cleansing, and a sharp escalation of settler colonialism.  Hundreds of thousands of migrant workers from Thailand, China, Sri Lanka, India, the Philippines, North Africa, Eastern Europe and elsewhere now labor in the Israeli economy (at least 30 Thai nationals, four Filipinos and 10 Nepalis were killed in the Hamas attack and a number of others taken hostage).  They do not need to be subjected to the apartheid system imposed on Palestinians because their temporary migrant status achieves their social control and disenfranchisement more effectively, and of course because they are not demanding the return of occupied lands and do not have a political claim to a state.  In the wake of the October 7 Hamas attack Israel deported thousands of Palestinian workers back to Gaza while some 10,000 foreign agricultural workers fled the country  Israeli construction companies asked the government to allow them to hire 100,000 Indian workers to replace Palestinians.

The Palestinian masses have gone from serving as a tightly-controlled and super-exploited labor force for Israeli and transnational capital to surplus humanity standing in the way of a new round of capitalist expansion.  Gaza thus becomes a potent symbol of the plight of surplus humanity around the world.  Decades of globalization and neoliberalism have relegated great masses of people to marginal existence.  New technologies based on artificial intelligence combined with displacement generated by conflict, economic collapse, and climate change will exponentially increase the ranks of surplus humanity.  The ILO reported as far back as the turn of century that some one-third of the global labor forces had been made superfluous.  A 2020 study by the U.S. National Academy of Sciences predicted that for every additional one-degree centigrade rise in the average global climate a billion people will be forced to abandon their locations and to endure insufferable heat.

Israel brings home the tension worldwide between the economic need ruling groups have for super-exploitable labor and the political need they have to neutralize the actual and potential rebellion of surplus humanity.  Ruling class strategies of containment become paramount and borders between national jurisdictions become war zones and zones of death.  Palestine is one such death zone, the most egregious perhaps, because it is tied to occupation, apartheid and ethnic cleansing.  Yet tens of thousands have died along the U.S.-Mexico border and North Africa-Middle East-Europe corridors and in other borderlands between surplus humanity and zones of intense accumulation in the global economy.  Just two months before the Hamas attack it was reported that Saudi border guards opened fire without warning and in cold blood killed hundreds of Ethiopian migrants trying to join 750,000 of their countrymen already working in the Kingdom.

The second thing that has to happen to make genocide an option in sync with the imperatives of global capital accumulation is a new political-diplomatic dispensation for the ongoing economic integration of Israel into the larger Middle Eastern and global economy.  The 2003 U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq followed the establishment in 1997 of the Greater Arab Free Trade Area and a host of related bilateral and multilateral regional and extra-regional free trade agreements.  As the Middle East has globalized there has been a cascade of transnational corporate and financial investment in finance, energy, high-tech, construction, infrastructure, luxury consumption, tourism and other services.  The investment has brought Gulf capital, including trillions of dollars in sovereign wealth funds, together with capital from all around the world, including the EU, North and Latin America, and Asia.  China has become the region’s principal trading partner and an important investor in Israel.  The Middle East-Asia corridor is now a major conduit for global capital.

Through this capitalist globalization, Israeli-based capital has integrated with capitals from throughout the Middle East, in turn enmeshed with global circuits of accumulation.  Israeli and Arab capitalists have common class interests that trump political differences over Palestine.  The “Arab-Israeli conflict” dispensation proved to be a backward political-diplomatic framework out of sync with the emerging global capitalist economic structure.  In 2020 the UAE and several other countries signed the Abraham Accords with Israel, normalizing relations between the Jewish state and the Arab signatories.  Soon hundreds of thousands of Israeli tourists were filling hotels in Dubai and elsewhere while Gulf investment groups poured hundreds of millions into the Israeli economy.  The clincher to bring the political-diplomatic dispensation into sync with the economic reality was to be Saudi-Israeli normalization.

But the Palestinians crashed the party.  The bonanza of a new wave of financial investment in the Middle East was predicated on a normalization of relations between Israel and the Gulf states as the political scaffolding for a deeper regional integration through an expansion of transnational capital.  That normalization is now on hold so long as the Palestinians sustain their resistance.  Two weeks into the Gaza war, the global corporate and financial elite meeting in Riyadh for their annual “Davos in the Desert” conclave fretted over how the Gaza war has further escalating geopolitical tensions that around the world have contributed to long-term financial instability and stagnation.

Barbarism Is the Face of Global Capitalist Crisis

There is, however, one bright spot for some among the transnational capitalist class in the region that is perfectly attuned to genocide: militarized accumulation and accumulation by repression.  Political chaos and chronic instability can create conditions quite favorable for capital.  Dystopian hellscapes can become testing grounds for political strategists and warfare corporatists for a new round of spatial restructuring.  Israeli is emblematic of the global war economy.  At the center of the Israeli economy is a global military-security-intelligence-surveillance-counter-terrorism technologies complex that has come to feed off of local, regional and global violence, conflict and inequalities.  The country’s largest corporations have become dependent on war and conflict in Palestine, in the Middle East and worldwide, and push for such conflict through their influence in the Israeli political system and state.

Each new conflict around the world opens up fresh profit-making possibilities to counteract stagnation.  Endless round of destruction followed by reconstruction fuel profit-making not just for the arms industry, but for engineering, construction, and related supply firms, high-tech, energy, and numerous other sectors, all integrated with the transnational financial and investment management conglomerates at the center of the global economy.  These are the gales of creative destruction, to be followed by booms of reconstruction.  Shares of military and security firms in the United States, Europe and elsewhere surged in the wake of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine in expectation of an exponential rise in global military spending. The Gaza war provides fresh stimulus for militarized accumulation with billions flowing to Israel from the U.S. and other Western governments and international arms dealers.  Orders at many of the world’s biggest arms companies are near record highs.  The siege of Gaza, as one Morgan Stanley executive put it, “seems to fit quite nicely with [our] portfolio.”

As the global economy becomes deeply dependent on the development and deployment of systems of warfare, social control and repression as a means of making profit and continuing to accumulate capital in the face of chronic stagnation and the saturation of global markets, there is a converged between the political need to contain surplus humanity and the economic need to violently crack open new spaces for accumulation.  Historically wars have provided critical economic stimulus and served to unload surplus accumulated capital but there is something qualitatively new going on now with the rise of a global police state.  The limits to growth must be overcome with new technologies of death and destruction.  Barbarism appears as the face of capitalist crisis.

Militarized accumulation to control and contain the downtrodden and marginalized and to simultaneously sustain accumulation in the face of crisis lend themselves to fascist political tendencies.  In the context of a transnational capitalism in crisis genocide becomes profitable to the extent that it is inextricably linked to opening up new opportunities for accumulation through violence.  Palestine has become an exemplary space for carrying out such a project on a wider global level, a site for the exercise of new forms of absolute despotic power that has no need for political legitimacy.  This is more than old-fashioned settler colonialism; it is the face of a global capitalist system that can only reproduce through bloodshed, dehumanization, torture, and extermination.

The crisis is cracking up political systems and undermining stability everywhere.  The center collapses.  Consensual mechanisms of domination are breaking down as the ruling groups turn towards authoritarianism, dictatorship and fascism.  The battle lines being drawn in the Middle East reflect global battle lines.  Gaza is a real-time alarm bell that genocide may become a political tool in the decades to come for resolving capital’s intractable contradiction between surplus capital and surplus humanity.  The breakdown of hegemonic order in earlier epochs of world capitalist crisis were marked by political instability, intense class and social struggles, wars and ruptures of the established international system.  Let us recall that the prelude to WWII was the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39 and the fascist dictatorship that was its outcome.  The global future may be at stake in Palestine.

First published at Philosophical Salon.

Historic Ruling by the International Court of Justice

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The ruling against Israel at the International Court of Justice today is historic, notwithstanding that it fudged South Africa’s request for a provisional order for a ceasefire. It supports the analysis of those international legal scholars who said that Israel was in trouble. I realise the spin machine is working at full spate and force to downplay the consequences of the judgment (cf the New York Times and Washington Post), but that is an ineffectual thumb in the dike. This is bad news for Israel.

Let me briefly count the ways. The court accepted that South Africa did have a basis for bringing this case to the court. It threw out Israel’s contention that no real dispute existed between South Africa and Israel. It ruled that South Africa’s claims that Israel was in breach of the Genocide Convention are plausible in that many of the acts “committed by Israel” appear “to be capable of falling” within the provisions of the Genocide Convention. Israel now, according to the most senior court in the world, stands plausibly accused of genocide and will be prosecuted.

In its judgment, the court enumerated statements by Israeli officials expressing genocidal intent, thus giving no credence to the arguments of Israel’s lawyers that these were not intended as such, and that Israel’s expressions of humane motives must be taken as its real intention. It identified specific acts of incitement, within a general culture of incitement against Palestinians. It listed the various dangers to which Palestinians as a group have been exposed, thus illustrating the plausibility of the genocide charge.

Crucially, it identified an “urgency”, a “real, imminent risk” of irreparable damage being done to the Palestinians as a group before the trial reached its conclusion. That was the basis for its orders, which fell short of what South Africa asked for, but still aren’t negligible. The court orders that Israel must take measures to prevent acts of genocide and report back within a month. It orders that Israel must allow humanitarian aid into the Gaza strip. It also orders that Israel must punish incitement to genocide. It’s hard to see how Israel could substantially comply while continuing the bombardment and siege, and it will have to demonstrate some sort of compliance.

You may ask: can Israel not just fudge the judgment, exploiting the indeterminacy of its orders? Up to a point, yes. If Israel reports back in a month’s time and the court is not satisfied, there is nothing to stop it ordering tougher provisional measures. If Israel demonstrates consistent bad faith, it’s quite likely to ultimately lose its case. And Israel takes its legal standing seriously, statehood being the raison d’etre of the Zionist movement.

Netanyahu’s contemptuous ‘we don’t care’ trolling to one side, Israel has historically been skilled and ingenious in its legal defence. Its ineptitude in this case is uncharacteristic, and partly due to the fact that Israel’s prosecution of the war didn’t give the lawyers much to work with so that Israel’s defence was primarily crafted for a news audience. You’ll recall that while anglophone news stations chose not to broadcast South Africa’s prosecution statements (which made a very “powerful” case according to genocide scholar Omer Bartov), many of them livestreamed the Israeli defence.

The fact that this went so poorly for Israel, while turbo-charging the potent sense of victimhood among Netanyahu’s supporters, will widen existing fissures in the military establishment over the handling of the war and the absence of serious, determinate goals. If there was an intent to blitz Rafah, the last “safe” space into which Gazans have been herded, to force their flight across the border into Egypt, that would now be harder. If there was an intent to allow mass starvation and disease to decimate the population for months, that will now be harder.

The Biden administration is also in real difficulty. The divisions within the US State Department and the White House are already well-documented. The internal protests by staffers and the specific controversy over arms transfers to Israel is now charged with fresh legal force. The Biden administration threw staffers a morale-booster party on the night before this judgment, and staffers responded by issuing a new statement demanding a ceasefire. Electorally, this is also difficult terrain for Biden. According to a YouGov/Economist poll, half of his 2020 voters are convinced that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. That is an achievement of the antiwar movement and the extraordinary network of communicators it has produced, since one would never get to that conclusion if one depended on the news. Many of those voters will find reasons to excuse or deny Biden’s complicity, but those who don’t may be concentrated in swing counties and states.

In short, however they spin this judgment, it acts on and catalyses existing schisms and crises among the warmaking parties. That presents an opportunity for the antiwar movement to bring this war to an end much faster than the Netanyahu administration or its supporters would wish. And the sooner the war ends, the bigger the defeat it is.

First published on Patreon.

Ecuador’s reactionary war

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A group of soldiers arrives to Zone 8 Liberty Prison, in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on January 7, 2024, to search for alias ‘Fito,’ who escaped from the facility days earlier. Photo © Ojalá.

[This article first appeared in Ojalá.]

Civil rights annulled. Soldiers in the streets, curfews enforced. Armed men in masks patrol neighborhoods. Packets of marijuana and boxes of money laid out and photographed. US State Department officials in formal dress shake hands with their local counterparts. 

Ecuador has recently begun to experience a pattern of violence similar to that of Colombia over the last 25 years and Mexico over the last 15.

Government officials claim that those responsible for the violence in Ecuador are men in criminal gangs, now considered “terrorists,” with nicknames like “Cuyuyuyuy” and “El Ravioli.” In this context, we are told, the military is acting to disrupt organized crime and protect citizens. 

Some suggest that a crime boss’s second escape from prison was the straw that broke the camel’s back and that it required an immediate military response. This recalls the so-called escapes of Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán. Journalist Anabel Hernández writes that the first time, Guzmán was wheeled out of the front door of the prison in a laundry cart with the cooperation of the guards. In the second instance, he is said to have escaped from a tunnel that the press has never actually seen.

Just as we question official discourse about austerity policies and economic measures that justify extractivism and benefit the one percent, it is important to question the official discourse on violence and, in particular, militarization. 

In Mexico, a similar kind of discourse has been in use since President Felipe Calderón took office in December 2006 and launched the “War on Drugs” there. I have written two books on the topic. Based on that work, I thought I would share some principles that help us make sense of what is taking place in Ecuador.

Official discourse about the Drug War generates confusion and tries to convince us that those with the least power are the most violent and dangerous. It conceals the role of governments in structuring the prohibition that creates banned substances and the subsequent militarization of public life.

In Ecuador, the prison system (in which more than 400 prisoners have been killed in the last three years) is a central node in the organization of war against the people, which is also a war against prisoners. 

Three soldiers with their weapons stand guard as their colleagues enter the Zone 8 Liberty Prison in Guayaquil, Ecuador on January 9, 2024. Photo © Ojalá.

110 and 111

The content of Executive Decrees 110 and 111, published on January 8 and 9, illustrate how governments create confusion in the context of what has been known as the “War on Drugs” for decades now.

Decree 110 cites a National Police (PN, in its Spanish acronym) report that alleges that 91 percent of the 8,008 homicides committed last year “are attributed to criminal violence, which is mainly related to Threats and Drug Trafficking (both internal and international).” Neither the PN report nor the methodology used to determine which homicides are linked to drug trafficking have been made public. 

According to the UN’s Global Study on Homicide 2023, less than five percent of the homicides that took place in Ecuador in 2021 were related to organized crime. 

While there is no doubt that Ecuador’s murder rate has risen sharply over the past four years, there is cause to doubt the PN’s move to blame organized crime groups for the increase in deaths. This is especially true when they fail to provide corroborating evidence and in a context of high levels of impunity, particularly in cases of violence perpetrated by security forces.

The PN report quoted in the decree continues as follows: “Local reality does not allow us to speak of structured organizations but of a flexible and unstable criminal landscape: it is a diffuse network of actors that are difficult to recognize and group together.”

It is surprising to find this definition in a police report given that it echoes characterizations of criminal activity in Mexico that researchers, myself among them, have advanced. 

If the character of criminal activity is “diffuse,” it is clear a military strategy against “cartels” will not work. In addition, the notion of a “diffuse network of actors” leaves space for the participation of state security and justice system workers in criminal groups that move prohibited substances in militarized contexts and control, subdue and exercise armed control of migration and popular-communal organizations and neighborhoods.

In its first article, Decree 110 sets out a state of exception “due to serious internal unrest,” and Article II establishes that it will last for 60 days. The third article mobilizes the Armed Forces and the National Police. The following articles suspend freedom of assembly, the inviolability of the home, privacy in prison correspondence, the freedom of movement, among other rights.

The following day, on January 10, a second decree was issued, Decree 111. By then, the notion of a “diffuse network of actors” had disappeared. 

Instead, the document lists 22 organizations and alludes vaguely to Mexico’s Sinaloa and Jalisco-New Generation cartels. Some of the 22 are recognized criminal groups, such as the Latin Kings and the Choneros, while others are of a more recent vintage. The longest established criminal groups have survived thanks to alliances with state forces, which is why they can also often be considered paramilitary organizations.

The first article of 111 decrees the recognition of an “internal armed conflict” in Ecuador, and Article II adds it as a cause to Decree 110. Article III modifies Decree 110 to make fighting “terrorism” part of the mission of the PN and the Armed Forces, and the fourth lists the 22 “transnational organized crime” groups, which are now considered “terrorist.” In May of last year, President Guillermo Lasso authorized using the Armed Forces for “anti-terrorist” tasks within the country.

Members of the Armed Forces leave the Zone 8 Liberty Prison in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on January 7, 2024. Photo © Ojalá.

State logics and veiled actors

There is a logic to how the state has laid the foundation, step by step, year by year, for a declaration of war against the people, through the use of a rhetoric that suggests that it is committed to protecting citizens from violence.

If we can stop, as difficult as it may seem, focusing on Los Lobos, the p. 27 the Aguilas Killer, which are among the 22 groups now considered terrorist organizations, other key actors begin to come to light. 

We know that what is happening in Ecuador is not new. It follows a well-worn path that has been evident since the imposition of the Plan Colombia on Ecuador’s northern neighbor. It disguises state and paramilitary violence as a fight against organized crime, strengthens the repressive apparatus of the state and paramilitaries, and leads to crimes against humanity. This is tragically demonstrated by the more than 114,000 people disappeared and 460,000 killed in Mexico since the beginning of the “War on Drugs” over 16 years ago.

We know that armies and the police are key actors in these conflicts. They traffic narcotics and are the arbiters in disputes among producers and traffickers. They have more firepower than any other group. This is the origin of the slogan “fue el estado” [“it was the state”], which emerged after 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teacher training school were disappeared 10 years ago this September.

But there are other actors as well: the U.S. State Department and Department of Defense. In its 2020–2025 program, USAID notes it re-established activities in Ecuador in 2020, after a 10 year absence during the presidency of Rafael Correa. Without irony, the report states “President Lasso is the most pro-U.S. leader in Ecuador for 20 years,” before describing the corruption scandal that led to his resignation. 

But rather than emphasizing USAID’s role in Ecuador, I think it is important to draw attention to the massive increase in U.S. security funding in recent years. U.S. “international assistance” to Ecuador hit an all-time high in 2022, reaching over $240 million, the majority of which was spent on militarization ($163 million). What’s more, Washington and Quito have signed two security cooperation pacts since 2022.

The U.S. is constantly looking to open new markets to export war and weapons and it suits them to focus on countries with “conservative bankers” in power. 

The tragic consequences of the “War on Drugs” in Mexico and Colombia demonstrate how these strategies of war ensure social and territorial dominance, especially in border areas, logistic or transportation hubs, and places rich in natural resources. These conflicts are about more than the export of weapons, they are about the export of a paradigm of Drug War Capitalism, which leads to containment and control.

It is not surprising that extreme violence increased alongside U.S. military assistance to Ecuador. Not surprising, because something similar has already taken place in Mexico and Colombia, where ongoing violence related to militarization continues.

Over these long and difficult years we have also learned that questioning and criticizing official discourse is not enough. We have to subvert it, rejecting attempts to divide the population between “innocent victims” and those who “must have been involved somehow,” and to stop using their rhetoric, which depoliticizes and criminalizes. Their war is a reactionary war against the people. The rest is pure confusion.

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 4

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 4 of a four-part series. Part 1 Part 2 Part 3

I. The Communist Party’s critique of American democracy

In 2021 China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a major report on the “The State of Democracy in the United States”[1] citing extensively from American sources and critics. The report contended that American democracy which once advertised itself as a “model for the world” is shot through with insoluble contradictions, hopelessly corrupt, and in decline:

“Democracy means ‘rule by the people’ or ‘sovereignty of the people.’ Democracy is a common value shared by all humanity. . . Historically, the development of democracy in the US was a step forward. The political party system, the representative system, one person one vote, and the separation of powers negated . . . the feudal autocracy in Europe. . . The principle of ‘government of the people, by the people and for the people’ articulated by Abraham Lincoln is recognized worldwide. However, over the years, democracy in the US has degenerated and deviated from the essence of . . . its original design. . . [It’s] become a ‘game of the rich’ in a country plagued by money politics, political polarization, social divide, widening wealth gap, racial discrimination and gun violence. . . Money politics has penetrated the entire process of election, legislation and administration. . . [it] has become an ‘irremovable tumor’ in American society and a mockery of democracy. . . For example, the 2020 presidential election and Congressional elections cost some US$14 billion, two times that of 2016 and three times that of 2008. . . Citing Robert Reich, political donations are almost seen as ‘legitimate bribery.’. . statistics show that winners of 91% of U.S. Congressional races are the candidates with [the most financial] support. And those so-called representatives of the people, once elected, often serve the interests of their financial backers. ‘One person one vote in name, rule of the minority elite in reality.’ In 2021 the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, a Sweden-based think tank . . . list[ed] the US as a ‘backsliding democracy’ for the first time. Political pluralism is only a facade. A small number of elites dominate political, economic and military affairs. They control the state apparatus and policy-making process, manipulate public opinion, dominate the business community . . .  making the multiparty system dead in all but name. [As] Noam Chomsky points out, the lower 70% on the wealth/income scale . . . have no influence on policy whatsoever. They are effectively disenfranchised. . . American democracy always flaunts the separation of powers, but . . . the function of ‘checks and balances,’ which was purportedly designed to prevent abuse of power [has become] ‘entrenched paralysis,’ what Francis Fukuyama calls a ‘vetocracy,’”

In January 2021, Chinese media had a field day replaying American network television videos of Trump’s January 6th insurrectionary riot, calling it “a masterclass in dysfunctional democracy.” The Global Times posted side-by-side photos comparing Hong Kong protesters occupying the Legco chamber [city hall] in July 2019 with Trump’s rioters invading the U.S. Capitol building in Washington to warn the Chinese that “THIS IS WHAT DEMOCRACY LOOKS LIKE.”[2]

I couldn’t agree more with the CP’s criticisms of the contradictions and hypocrisies of American democracy. In truth, the history is worse than the picture the Party paints. But their whataboutism hardly excuses their own ruthless suppression of human rights. Their risible feigned love for Lincoln’s “government of by and for the people”[3] makes the United States look like democractic paradise, even under Donald Trump, compared to the Communists’ totalitarian police state where opposition parties are explicitly banned, where Chinese subjects don’t even have the human right to step out of their apartment front doors if the Party says no,[4] where dissenting voices are jailed, tortured and worse,[5] where Tibetan Buddhists and Xinjiang Muslims are locked up in slave-labor prison factories, their children forcibly removed and placed in CCP schools to facilitate extinguishing their culture, where the Party that rhetorically exalts democracy has crushed actual democracy in Hong Kong to ensure that only Party-approved “patriotic” candidates can run for office, and where its own people are fleeing en masse to the “declining West.”

Moreover, pace the Communist Party, the contradictions and inadequacies of American democracy are not due to the nature of democracy per se, but due to the weakness and incompleteness of American democracy. Far from “degenerating and deviating from the essence of its original design,” just the opposite. American democracy was vastly worse in the days of the founders when it was a democracy of slaveowners. And “RECD” as it is today, the struggle to radicalize our democracy, to build a democracy that can overpower capitalism, is in my view, the only pathway to avoid social and ecological collapse.

II. The founding fathers’ deep fear of democracy

Capitalist democracies are inherently contradictory because they represent myriad and often mutually conflicting socio-economic interests: capital vs. labor, racist whites vs. blacks, Christian anti-women fascists vs. liberals, fossil fuel interests vs. renewable energy interests, and so on. That’s what democracies are supposed to do, represent the will or at least the majority will of the electorate. In the case of the United States, democratic government “by the people” has been systematically subverted by the power of its economic ruling classes from the outset.

American democracy was founded on the theft of most of the North American continent, the near extermination of its native inhabitants, and the institution of industrial-scale plantation slavery. Its first president George Washington was the largest slaveowner in the colonies. The Enlightenment-inspired 1789 U.S. Constitution promised that “all men are created equal” and formally established the political rule of democracy. But the founding fathers ensured that behind the façade of democracy, a plutocracy of slave owners and capitalists controlled the levers of power. The authors of the Constitution were acutely aware of the threat of democracy, that in a democracy the wealthy would soon be outvoted and likely expropriated by the majority of poorer folk. At the Federal Convention in 1787 James Madison (who owned more than 100 slaves) warned that

In England, at this day, if elections were open to all classes of people, the property of landed proprietors would be insecure. An agrarian law would soon take place. If these observations be just, our government ought to secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation. Landholders [the wealthy] ought to have a share in the government, to support these invaluable interests, and to balance and check the other. They ought to be so constituted as to protect the minority of the opulent against the majority. The senate, therefore, ought to be this body; and to answer these purposes, they ought to have permanency and stability.[6]

John Jay, president of the Continental Congress, first Chief Justice of the United States (and slaveowner) put it more bluntly: “Those who own society ought to govern it.”[7] To ensure the continued dominance of the minority of the opulent against the majority hoi polloi, the framers and their 19th century successors established numerous protections beginning with protection of private property (the 5th and 14th amendments) that enabled primitive accumulation against the native inhabitants, monopolization of the means of production in the hands of slaveowners and capitalists, the accumulation of capital by means of systematic dispossession and exploitation of the workers, and perpetual inequality.

Slavery was protected by prohibiting Congress from outlawing the slave trade for at least 20 years, by requiring the return of runaway slaves (the Fugitive Slave clause Article 4.2), and by granting the government the power to put down domestic rebellions including slave insurrections. From 1789 to 1911, eleven of the first 18 presidents including Ulysses Grant were slave owners. From 1790 to 1865, seven chief and associate justices of the Supreme Court were slave owners or former slaveowners.[8] Chief Justice Roger Tannery, a major slave owner, wrote the infamous Dred Scott decision in 1857 that extended the rights of slave owners into the free, non-slave states.

Suffrage was initially limited to propertied white men. From 1790 on, states began dropping property qualifications in favor of gender and race qualifications with most states disenfranchising women and non-white men by 1856.[9]

The Electoral College was established to win the southern plantation slaveocracy to support the Constitution by means of a “Compromise” in which their slaves were counted as 3/5ths of a person in apportioning a purpose-built class of “super electors” whose votes would be the only votes that actually count in presidential elections. This awarded slave states more electoral votes than their numbers of legal (white male) voters justified.[10] The 14th amendment abolished slavery and with it, the Compromise. But the electoral college artifact continues to this day and still delivers votes that disproportionately favor rural and former slave states, most recently giving the White House to George Bush who lost the popular vote in 2000, and to Trump who lost the popular vote in 2016.[11]

The U.S. Senate was anti-democratic by design. As Madison said, the purpose of establishing the Senate was to install a more powerful upper house to offset the more plebian and democratic lower house whose members were chosen on the basis of one (white male) person, one-vote to “protect the minority of the opulent against the majority.” Senators weren’t even subject to popular election during the first 125 years of the republic; they were appointed by state legislatures, traditionally monopolized by local agrarian and merchant capitalist ruling classes, until the 17th amendment was ratified in 1913 requiring their election. Further reinforcing white, male and slaveocracy domination, senate seats were apportioned equally between the states with each state getting two senators regardless of population. This has privileged conservative white voters from less populous states from 1789 to today: Wyoming’s five hundred and eighty thousand mostly white residents have the same voting power as California’s thirty-nine million minority-majority residents. The District of Columbia, which has ninety thousand more residents than Wyoming and twenty-five thousand more than Vermont, has no senators. Senators also enjoy four-year terms and other prerequisites and powers that made this body the preserve of mostly wealthy white male quasi-aristocrats that it remains to this day.[12] Looking ahead, the framers also made it extremely difficult to amend the constitution they authored.

III. Progressive gains, limits, and potentials

Yet even though U.S. Constitutional government was and still is structurally plutocratic and racist, it’s a mistake in my view to see the U.S. government as simply a tool of the ruling classes. It’s better understood as a contested terrain of perennial struggle between forces for democracy vs. forces for plutocracy in which the plutocrats still overwhelmingly dominate but in which democratic forces have fought for and won reforms making government considerably more democratic and less racist, codified in constitutional amendments and congressional legislation. Property qualifications for voting were the first to fall. It took a civil war to abolish slavery (the 13th amendment) and secure the right of citizenship and right to vote for former (male) slaves (the 14th and 15th amendments). It took another century of struggle to abolish Jim Crow segregation and voter suppression (Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965). The battle for women’s suffrage began in 1848 but white women didn’t win the right to vote until 1920. Native “first peoples” did not secure the right to vote in all states until 1965. Asians did not win citizenship and the right to vote until the Immigration and Nationality Acts of 1952 and 1965.[13] Barriers including the electoral college remain.[14] But thanks to long and hard struggle from below, the institution of one-person, one-vote — so feared and despised by the founding fathers — is the law of the land.

The 20th century saw huge democratic victories against capitalist power and anti-democratic government. During the 1930s, massive movements including factory occupations and the San Francisco general strike led by socialists and trade unionists pushed the Roosevelt administration to legalize trade unions, to enact Social Security, unemployment insurance and a raft of other reforms the capitalists bitterly opposed. In the 1960s and 70s, labor, civil rights, the nascent environmental movement pressure forced the government to enact more anti-capitalist measures: Medicare and Medicaid (1964), Head Start and related programs (1964), the Clean Air Act (1963 and 1970), the EPA (1970), NIOSH (1971) and others. In this century, Bernie Sanders’s 2016 campaign legitimized socialism in the minds of broad numbers of Americans and reenergized the DSA which has elected hundreds of openly socialist congressional representatives, state senators and representatives, city councils and county commissioners across the country — pushing back against the plutocracy from within their own halls of power.

Yet, obviously, even with these historic gains, American democracy is still a capitalist democracy, very far from the direct working people’s democracy achieved in the 1871 Paris Commune that institutionalized universal (albeit male) franchise, election with right to recall, payment of officials at ordinary workman’s wages, police subject to recall and so on, that Marx hailed as the prototype of a socialist democracy.[15]

Unlimited spending on elections turns candidates and elected officials into “slaves to donors”

Yet even when everyone can vote, the government we get obviously does not reflect the popular will. That’s because, obviously, money still overdetermines elections. Presently, thanks to Supreme Court decisions like Citizens United, wealth dominates U.S. political campaigns more than ever. Super-PACs allow billionaires to pour unlimited amounts into campaigns. Dark money groups mask the identities of their donors, preventing voters from knowing who’s trying to influence them. Races for congressional seats cost tens of millions of dollars.[16] Biden spent $1.6 billion to win the presidency in 2020. He might spend $2 billion to try to win in 2024. That’s just crazy. It doesn’t have to be this way. In no other country do candidates spend anything like those figures, and nowhere else are they such slaves to the rich.

The rich want elections to be insanely expensive because then only the wealthy or candidates with wealthy backers can afford to run for higher offices — and he who pays the piper calls the tune. In a population of 334 million, the wealthy are comparatively few in number. Consider these figures: As of June 2023 the top 1% of households – just 1,313,064 families (net worth minimum $13.7 million) own 31.9%, nearly a third of all net worth in the United States. The top 10% of households – just 12.9 million families (net worth $7.0 million on average) own more than three-quarters, 76%, of all the wealth in the United States. The bottom 50% (64.3 million families, net worth $122,000 on average), own just 2.5% of total wealth.[17] Over the last half century, wages have stagnated. Adjusted for inflation, by 2019 average wages finally recovered from a decades-long depression to reach their previous peak of $23.24 per hour – set in February 1973.[18] Meanwhile, prices of nearly everything have multiplied several fold, which is why so many people are living on the streets or in their cars. The middle class has shrunk both in numbers and wealth as the costs of housing, healthcare, college tuition etc. have outstripped their incomes and investment returns, forcing many to tap into their retirement savings or borrow to keep up. In 2021, just 50% of Americans lived in middle-class households (the Census Bureau defines middle-class incomes for a family of 3 as $60,000 to $180,000), down from 71% in 1971, and their share of national income fell from 62% in 1971 to 43% in 2014.[19] Nearly all the gains of economic growth since the 1970s have gone to the upper 10% and especially to the upper 1%. In short, after 50 years of deindustrialization and Reaganomics, inequality today resembles the Gilded Age of the 1920s when unions were illegal and there was no safety net at all. In AOC’s words, “We’re in an absolute crisis of inequality.”[20] It’s fair to say that the class interests of capitalists, business owners, employers, landlords and highly-paid professionals, are diametrically opposed to those of the mass of American voters on many issues – tax rates on the rich, union rights, private vs. public health care, environment, money in politics, and other issues. “The rich are different.” Ever-growing inequality, the obscene wealth of the “elite,” the plight of financially squeezed workers abandoned by the post-Clinton “New Democrats” who rebased themselves on the suburban middle class and Wall Street bankers, were major factors driving the populist Donald Trump revolution.

Given the exorbitant cost of running for office in this country, even comparatively wealthy candidates need campaign contributions from business owners, corporations and the rich to fund their campaigns. But since the great mass of the constituents who actually elect them are not rich and have distinctly different interests and concerns from wealthy campaign funders, politicians have no choice but to become hypocrites, to speak with forked tongues. To win elections they need to support, or at least be seen as supporting policies, legislation and programs that favor the working and middle classes, many of which are antithetical to the interests of employers, landlords, and the rich. But to fund their campaigns they have to do the bidding of the wealthy (with a few exceptions like Bernie Sanders who famously beat the establishment by self-funding his own campaign with $27 donations via the internet from left-liberal supporters. AOC and other leftists have followed suit with modest success, so far). But for mainstream candidates without Sanders’ notoriety and super-activist DSA mini-mass base, this is not an option. For them, in the words of Judge Richard Posner, one of the country’s leading legal minds, “If you become a member of Congress, you’ll get a card from the head of your party that you will spend five hours [each] afternoon talking to donors. That’s not the only time you spend with donors—they’ll take you to dinner, cocktails—but these five hours are important. The message is clear: You are a slave to the donors. They own you. That’s [the] real corruption, the ownership of Congress by the rich.”[21] That’s why politicians “promise one thing but do another” and regularly vote against the will of their constituents.[22] That’s why Trumpists and liberals alike say that “government doesn’t represent me.” The legal corruption of politics is the prime cause of the disillusionment and anger that’s fueled the crisis of representative government[23] and a major reason why alienated voters go for “outsiders” – even crazies with their own baggage like Donald Trump.

IV. Polls vs. pols

Yet most of the contradictions noted above and at the outset of this article in Part 1 are not impossible to solve, even within the framework of capitalist democracies. Despite our many divisions, Americans are actually more liberal, progressive, and united on the critical issues of the day than one might imagine. For example, according to recent polls:

  1. 68% of Americans say immigration is good for the country, a majority want it increased. 72% believe immigrants come to the U.S. “to find jobs and improve their lives” not to live on welfare, and 53% say immigration “is a human right.”[24] 55% support a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants. Anti-immigrant Republicans are loud but comprise a minority of the electorate. Over-represented rural and southern states control the House of Representatives and half the Senate, so the popular will is thwarted.
  2. 63% of Americans want bans on assault weapons.[25] But the Republicans who dominate the House and control half the Senate, are bankrolled by National Rifle Association campaign contributions and the NRA opposes bans. Marco Rubio (FL, Senate) has received $3,303,355 from the NRA. Don Young (AR, House) $2,624,288. Tod Young (IN, House) $2,903,882. As of March 2023, the NRA had donated a grand total of $27,413,008 to 316 Republican senators and representatives. And that’s just direct payments for campaigns and does not include “more substantive contributions for lobbying and outside spending.”[26] By comparison, in Australia, after a horrific mass shooting in 1996 that took 35 lives, the country passed a sweeping reform of gun laws that sharply restricted legal ownership of firearms. It banned automatic and semi-automatic rifles and shotguns. To get them off the streets, the government imposed a mandatory buyback of guns, at fair market value, and offered legal amnesty for anyone who handed in illegally owned guns. It also established a national registry of all guns owned in the country and required permits for new firearm purchases. “Thankfully, fears of violence turned out to be unfounded. About 650,000 legally owned guns were peacefully seized, then destroyed, as part of the buyback.” In result, murders and suicides p[27] We can do that here too, if we ban NRA bribery of politicians.
  3. 61% of Americans say abortion should be legal in all or most cases.[28] The Right broke out the champagne when the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade. Justice Alito writing for the all-Catholic majority exulted that now “the people and their elected representatives” would legislate abortion. They misjudged the electorate. As the New York Times observes, “Eighteen months later, the American people are indeed using their voices, but not in the way anti-abortion advocates had hoped. In a steady march of ballot measures, even in conservative states like Ohio, they have codified a right to abortion and rejected attempts to restricted. Polls show increasing support for abortion rights in all 50 states, with majorities and nearly all states — even deep red states — saying that abortion should be legal in all or most cases.”[29] This is, in my view, an excellent example of popular power, of people taking decision-making into their own hands on a key issue, writing laws and referenda for the voters to decide directly.
  4. 65% of Americans would abolish the electoral college and amend the Constitution to elect presidents by popular vote.[30] But again, underpopulated and overrepresented guns-and-religion rural and white-dominated former slave states thwart the popular will on this issue as with so many others. What we need here is a national referendum. Even better: abolish the Senate.[31]
  5. 72% of Americans across ideological and demographic lines favor strict limits on campaign spending. More than 85% say that the cost of running for office makes it hard for good people to run for office. 58% think that “it’s possible to have laws that would effectively reduce the role of money in politics.”[32] TV advertising is the single largest expense for most American congressional and presidential candidates. But in other, more democratic countries, candidates are either forbidden from advertising on television or given free TV time. Most European countries provide substantial public funding of campaigns, and candidates are often forbidden from campaigning until a relatively short period before election day. In France for example, there is a total ban on TV election campaign commercials, French law limits spending on presidential campaigns to 22.5 millions euros (about $25 million), and the government pays for half of that.[33] Corporate and union contributions are illegal. Television stations are required to host debates and provide equal time to each candidate, free of charge. Paul Wildman of the American Prospect concludes “Put all that together, and you have elections where, even if it would technically be legal to rain huge amounts of money down on candidates, nobody considers it worth their while (for instance, here’s a nice descriptionof the relative quiet of a German campaign). So the idea of someone spending two or three million dollars to get a seat in the national legislature, the way American House candidates routinely do, would seem absurd.”[34] We don’t get to vote directly for such restrictions, and Republicans have stacked the Supreme Court with judges favoring unlimited spending. Yet, it’s possible to change this. This should be high on the list of Left priorities.
  6. 57% of Americans say the government should ensure universal health care for all U.S. citizens – including 88% of Democrats, 59% of Independents and 28% of Republicans. The majority, 54% favor a single-payer system.[35] But the enormous and fabulously rich private medical-industrial complex – Big Pharma, private hospitals, private medical insurance companies and related industries are among the leading legal bribers of presidential and congressional candidates and are determined to block any “public option.” A recent study found that from 1999-2018, the pharmaceutical and health product industry spent $4.7 billion, an average of $233 million per year lobbying the US federal government; $414 million on contributions to presidential and congressional electoral candidates, national party committees, and outside spending groups; and $877 million on contributions to state candidates and committees.[36] More than two-thirds of congressmen and women cashed a pharma campaign check in 2020.[37] In the 2022, Democratic senators took in an average of $518,890, Republicans $246,480; House Democrats received on average $187,640 and House Republicans $141,180. So far in the upcoming 2024 election Joe Biden has hauled in $1,432,060 from the medical-industrial complex, Donald Trump $1,335,695, Adam Shiff, $729,606, and so on.[38] Given this history of flagrant legal bribery, is it any wonder that single-payer is invariably pushed off the table?[39] Well, why can’t we put this be up for a referendum vote – even it’s state by state?
  7. More than two thirds, 68%, of Americans want an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, and just 31% support sending Israel weapons while 43% opposed the idea.[40] Polls have long shown that six in ten Americans of both parties support either a two-state solution or a one-state solution. A June 2023 poll found that 73% of Americans (80% of Democrats and 64% of Republicans) would support “a single democratic state in which Jews and non-Jews would be equal, even if that meant that Israel would no longer be a politically Jewish state.” Only 17% would support “preserving Israel as a politically Jewish state.”[41] With Israel’s genocidal carpet-bombing and mass expulsions of Palestinian civilians since Hamas terrorist attack on October 7th, what popular support Israel used to have in America is cratering. Those saying “the U.S. should support Israel in the war,” fell from 41% in October to 32% in November. Yet Biden and both parties in Congress, flooded with millions of dollars in legal campaign bribes from multiple Zionist Jewish organizations,[42] are all in for Israel. Well, let’s put this up for a popular vote too.

THIS IS WHAT DEMOCRACY SHOULD LOOK LIKE: 

Democracy means “rule by the people,” “popular sovereignty,” we’ve been reminded. Well, if the American citizenry, the electorate, stood up, organized, demanded that sovereignty, and won the right to put immigration, gun control, abortion, universal health care, the electoral college, the legal bribery of politicians, and even policy toward Israel-Palestine on the ballot, we would have a much more progressive, even if still a capitalist democracy. There’s no reason why all the above issues could not be resolved by grassroots produced legislation and referenda, as is being done right now across the country with respect to abortion rights. Such a democratic process would result in a much fairer and less racist society, would defuse our divisions, build social solidarity, and restore confidence in government to tackle the largest threat that humanity has ever faced: climate change.

V. Democracy and climate change

One of, if not the main reason leftists should support liberal democracies against totalitarian regimes like China is the wide divergence between CO2 emissions mitigation in China and the Western democracies. One often hears the argument that China’s authoritarian police state ought to be able to suppress the country’s emissions faster than Western democracies because it monopolizes all power. And yet the opposite is happening. As I wrote in a recent paper:

After all, it is often argued—as by Yifei Li and Judith Shapiro, for example —that China’s dictatorship should be an advantage in this context: ‘Given the limited time that remains to mitigate climate change and protect millions of species from extinction, we need to consider whether a green authoritarianism can show us the way.’ . . So why is Xi Jinping not doing that?[43]

Most of the world’s leading capitalist industrial democracies have reduced their GHG emissions to an extent. In the United States, carbon dioxide emissions in 2020 were down 14 per cent from their peak in 2005; emissions in the 27 member states of the European Union were down 32 per cent from their peak in 1981; and Japan’s have dropped 14 per cent from their peak in 2013. To be sure, those reductions are still insufficient to meet their respective Paris commitments (and their Paris commitments are themselves insufficient to prevent global temperatures rising above 1.5ºC), but at least they are declining.

By contrast, under Xi Jinping, as much as under his predecessors, China’s carbon dioxide emissions have relentlessly grown, more than quadrupling from 1990 to 2020. Climate Action Tracker estimates that in 2021 China’s emissions increased by 3.4 per cent to 14.1 gigatons of carbon dioxide equivalent (GtCO2e)—nearly triple those of the United States (4.9 GtCO2e) with a gross domestic product just three-fourths as large. Since 2019, China’s emissions have exceeded those of all developed countries combined[44] and presently account for 33 per cent of total global emissions. Paradoxically, China leads the world in the production and installed capacity of both wind and solar electricity generation. Yet, 85.2 per cent of China’s primary energy consumption in 2020 was still provided by fossil fuels—down just 7 per cent from 92.3 per cent in 2009. And despite huge investments in giant solar and wind farms across multiple provinces and autonomous regions, fossil fuels (mostly coal) still accounted for 67.4 per cent of electricity generation in 2021, while wind contributed just 7.8 per cent and solar barely 3.9 per cent.[45]

This difference is hardly due to capitalist altruism. Capitalism is driven by profit maximization and if that’s not suppressed it will drive us off the cliff to collapse. Given this driver, it’s difficult to imagine how GHG emissions can be suppressed these trends can be halted or reversed short of the collapse or overthrow of capitalism.[46] China’s drivers are different,[47] but they’re just as suicidal if not even more suicidal than capitalism. I maintain that declining emissions in the West are overwhelmingly due to one factor: democracy and human rights: the freedom of environmental activists, scientists, writers, academics and others to protest against polluting companies, to educate, propagandize, organize and pressure local and national governments, to fight global warming. None of that is possible in China.

China has suffered the worst environmental disasters in its history in recent years – unprecedented drought, soaring temperatures, glacial melting, extensive flooding. But the government never links those to global warming; it only talks about “natural disasters” while state media plays up the heroics of rescue workers instead of asking hard questions about the causes of these disasters or challenging the government’s obsession with maintaining 6%+ growth rates, with all their unavoidable pollution, to overtake the West. Given Xi Jinping’s Great Firewall, it’s difficult for ordinary Chinese to learn much about the state of the global environment. And even if they could, they can’t organize with others to do anything about it.[48] Since the Party faces no domestic competition from other parties, no free speech, no free press and tolerates no non-governmental organizations, it’s free to brush off Western criticism and carry on building coal fired power plants and leading the world to climate collapse.[49]

VI. A China Dream of democracy

Given China’s drivers, it’s difficult to imagine how this trend could be halted or reversed short of the collapse or overthrow of the CCP. That’s coming but of course it’s impossible to predict when. Yet we should keep in mind that not only the ex-Soviet “satellite” colonies but also Taiwan and South Korea all transitioned to mostly liberal democracies, with virtually no bloodshed. To all appearances, Xi and the Party seem invincible. But Xi’s not so sure. Last May at a National Security Commission meeting, he called on his top national security officials to think about “worst case” scenarios and prepare for “stormy seas,” as the ruling Party hardens efforts to counter internal and external threats. “The complexity and difficulty of the national security issues we now face have increased significantly. We must get ready to undergo the major tests of high winds and rough waves, and even perilous, stormy seas.”[50] Indeed, they face unprecedented threats: the exhaustion of the “Chinese Model” as the Party faces sustained economic stagnation and decline despite growth in some sectors like solar panels and EV cars and batteries, the collapsing housing market, the paralyzed Party bureaucracy fearful of taking the slightest risk, the paralyzed private sector fearful of Xi’s crackdowns, expropriations and arrests, the shrinking and ageing workforce, the women’s strike against child-bearing, spreading industrial strikes as businesses slow down and wage arrears mount, the exodus of Western investors, capital flight by rich Chinese, exodus of the brains Xi needs to develop his economy, growing public alienation from the Party as the economic “miracle” collapses and political repression intensifies, discontent within the Party over Xi’s self-defeating policies, growing global resistance to China’s political-military aggression, tech theft, and debt-trap diplomacy — and the ecological crisis that threatens not just China but life on Earth. Xi and his Party have no solution to any of those problems because they all come down to the lack of democracy.

Despite fierce repression, China’s incredibly brave fighters for democracy persist. On April 10th, a Chinese court sentenced two of the country’s most prominent human-rights lawyers, Xu Zhiyong and Ding Jiaxi, to prison for long stretches for “subversion of state power.” Xu is a legal scholar who fought on behalf of migrant workers and co-founded the New Citizens Movement that advocated civil rights and a peaceful transition to democracy. Assuming (correctly) that he would not be permitted to make a statement at his sentencing he dictated a statement to be released the day before his sentencing. It begins as follows:

I have a dream, a dream of a China that is beautiful, free, fair, and happy. It is a democratic China that belongs to everyone on this land, not to any one ethnicity or political party. It is truly a country of the people, its government chosen by ballots, not violence.

The people regularly elect legislators, mayors, governors, and presidents, whose power comes from the people, and is owned, governed, and shared by the people. People are no longer the pretense with which the dictator claims his legitimacy; people are no longer the silent ants as dynasties rise and fall; they are the real masters of the country. The rulers are no longer occupiers perched high above the people, but humble servants. They compete fairly and are elected by the people for their merits. Power succession is no longer a struggle of life and death, but a process celebrated by the people. . . A democratic China must be realized in our time, we cannot saddle the next generation with this duty.”[51]

Notes:

[1] https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202112/t20211205_10462535.html

[2] Tracy Wen Liu, “Chinese media calls Capitol riot ‘world masterpiece’” Foreign Policy, January 8, 2021, https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/01/08/chinese-media-calls-capitol-riot-world-masterpiece/.
[3] Xinhuanet: “Full text: China: Democracy That Works,” December 4, 2021, http://www.news.cn/english/2021-12/04/c_1310351231.htm.

[4] “Shanghai residents bang pots and pans in Covid lockdown protest,” Guardian, April 29, 2022, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p5J1jYxYPJY.

[5] Li Yuan, « An egg fried rice recipe shows the absurdity of China’s speech limits,” New York Times, December 20, 2023.

[6] https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-10-02-0044.

[7] “John Jay:  Abolitionist and slaveowner,” https://csac.history.wisc.edu/2021/02/05/john-jay-abolitionist-and-slave-owner/; William Jay, The Life of John Jay (New York: J.J. Harper, 1833), 70.

[8] Woodrow Wilson was also born to a slave owning family but the Civil War ended while he was a child. Wikipedia, “List of presidents of the United States who owned slaves,” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_presidents_of_the_United_States_who_owned_slaves; idem., “List of United States Supreme Court Justices who owned slaves,” Wikipedia, accessed December 12, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_United_States_Supreme_Court_Justices_who_owned_slaves.

[9] “Voting rights in the United States,” Wikipedia, accessed December 12, 2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voting_rights_in_the_United_States.

[10] Sean Illing, “The real reason we have an electoral college: to protect slave states,” VOX, November 12, 2016,  https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2016/11/12/13598316/donald-trump-electoral-college-slavery-akhil-reed-amar.

[11] In the 1876 presidential election, the Democrat Samuel Tilden easily won the popular vote. But the Republicans cut a deal with southern Democrats to throw the election to Republican Rutherford Hayes in return for a withdrawal of federal troops from the South. This effectively ended Reconstruction and enabled the ex-slaveocracy to re-disenfranchise Black voters for another century. Gail Collins, “The Electoral College is ‘the exploding cigar of American politics,’” New York Times, November 29, 2023.

[12] Louis Menand, “American democracy was never designed to be democratic,” New Yorker, August 15, 2022, https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2022/08/22/american-democracy-was-never-designed-to-be-democratic-eric-holder-our-unfinished-march-nick-seabrook-one-person-one-vote-jacob-grumbach-laboratories-against-democracy; Jonathan Chait, “The Senate is America’s most structurally racist institution,” New York Magazine, August 10, https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2020/08/senate-washington-dc-puerto-rico-statehood-filibuster-obama-biden-racist.html; Dan Balz et al., The hidden biases at play in the U.S. Senate,” Washington Post, November 17, 2023, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2023/us-senate-bias-white-rural-voters/;

[13] A compact history of suffrage: “Who got the right to vote when?” Aljazeera, August 18, 2020,  https://interactive.aljazeera.com/aje/2016/us-elections-2016-who-can-vote/index.html.

[14] “11 barriers to voting,” Carnegie Corporation, November 1, 2019, https://www.carnegie.org/our-work/article/11-barriers-voting/.

[15] The Civil War in France (1871).

[16] “Influence of big money,” The Brennan Center,” n.d.,  https://www.brennancenter.org/issues/reform-money-politics/influence-big-money.

[17] PK, “Who are the one percent in the United States by income and net worth, DQYDJ, n.d., https://dqydj.com/top-one-percent-united-states/. Kerry Murray, “U.S. net worth statistics: the state of wealth in 2023, Finance Buzz, November 21, 2023, https://financebuzz.com/us-net-worth-statistics;  Federal Reserve Bank of Saint Louis, “The state of U.S. wealth inequality,” October 18, 2023, https://www.stlouisfed.org/institute-for-economic-equity/the-state-of-us-wealth-inequality; Daniel de Visé, « The top 1% of American earners now own more wealth than the entire middle class,” USA Today, December 6 2023, https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2023/12/06/top-1-american-earners-more-wealth-middle-class/71769832007/#.

[18] Felix Richter, “50 years of US wages, in one chart,” World Economic Forum, April 12, 2019, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/04/50-years-of-us-wages-in-one-chart/.

[19] Jake Frankenfield, “What is middle class income? The latest numbers available,” Investopedia, December 13, 2023, https://www.investopedia.com/financial-edge/0912/which-income-class-are-you.aspx#:~:text=In%202021%2C%20just%2050%25%20of,Decreasing%20Middle%20Class. Pew Research Center, “How the American middle class has changed in the past five decades,” April 20, 2022,  https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2022/04/20/how-the-american-middle-class-has-changed-in-the-past-five-decades/.

[20] Juliana Kaplan, “AOC rips inequality, highlighting the time it takes for a normal family to double their income: 100 years,” Business Insider, August 12, 2021, https://www.businessinsider.in/policy/economy/news/aoc-rips-inequality-highlighting-the-time-it-takes-for-a-normal-family-to-double-their-income-100-years/articleshow/85258607.cms.

[21] Ascher Schechter, “Richard Posner: ‘The real corruption is the ownership of Congress by the rich,” Promarket, March 28, 2017, https://www.promarket.org/2017/03/28/richard-posner-real-corruption-ownership-congress-rich/.

[22] Idem., “Study: Politicians vote against the will of their constituents 35% of the time,” Promarket, June 16, 2017, https://www.promarket.org/2017/06/16/study-politicians-vote-will-constituents-35-percent-time/.

[23] Jeffrey M. Jones, “Confidence in U.S. institutions down, average at new low,” Gallup, July 5, 2022, https://news.gallup.com/poll/394283/confidence-institutions-down-average-new-low.aspx.

[24] Gallup, July 13, 2023, https://news.gallup.com/poll/508520/americans-value-immigration-concerns.aspx; Cato, April 27, 2021, https://www.cato.org/blog/poll-72-americans-say-immigrants-come-us-jobs-improve-their-lives-53-say-ability-immigrate.

[25] Rani Molla, “Polling is clear: Americans want gun control,” Vox, June 1, 2022, https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23141651/gun-control-american-approval-polling.

[26] “List of congressional candidates who received campaign money from the National Rifle Association, Wikipedia, accessed 12,29,2023, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_congressional_candidates_who_received_campaign_money_from_the_National_Rifle_Association.

[27] Zack Beauchamp, “Australia confiscated 650,000 guns. Murders and suicides plummeted” Vox, May 25, 2022, https://www.vox.com/2015/8/27/9212725/australia-buyback.

[28] Pew, June 13, 2022, https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/06/13/about-six-in-ten-americans-say-abortion-should-be-legal-in-all-or-most-cases-2/. The NRA used to donate to Democrats too. See Kurtis Lee and Maloy Moore, “The NRA used to donate to Democrats’ campaigns, too. Why did it stop?, March 5, 2018, Governinghttps://www.governing.com/archive/tns-nra-campaign-contributions.html.

[29] Peter Smith, “Anti-Roe justices a part of Catholicism’s conservative wing, AP, June 30, 2022, https://apnews.com/article/abortion-supreme-court-catholic-ee063f7803eb354b4784289ce67037b4#; Kate Zernike, “Voter support for abortion faces limits,” New York Times, December 18, 2023.

[30] Pew, September 25, 2023, https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/09/25/majority-of-americans-continue-to-favor-moving-away-from-electoral-college/; Gallup, September 24, 2020, https://news.gallup.com/poll/320744/americans-support-abolishing-electoral-college.aspx.

[31] Daniel Lazare, “Abolish the Senate,” Jacobin, December 2, 2014, https://jacobin.com/2014/12/abolish-the-senate/.

[32] Pew, October 23, 2023, https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/10/23/7-facts-about-americans-views-of-money-in-politics/. Also, https://www.nepm.org/national-world-news/2016-06-07/revisiting-the-tenure-of-supreme-court-justice-louis-brandeis-the-jewish-jefferson

[33] Julie Brogan, “Why can’t we limit money in politics like the French?” Fulcrum, July 11, 2022, https://thefulcrum.us/Elections/Campaign-Finance/money-in-politics.

[34] “How our campaign finance system compares to other countries,” American Prospect, April 4, 2014, https://prospect.org/power/campaign-finance-system-compares-countries/.

[35] Gallup, January 23, 2023, https://news.gallup.com/poll/468401/majority-say-gov-ensure-healthcare.aspx#:~:text=Since%20then%2C%20between%2051%25%20and,40%25%20say%20it%20should%20not;  Pew, September 29, 2020, https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/09/29/increasing-share-of-americans-favor-a-single-government-program-to-provide-health-care-coverage/.

[36] Oliver J. Wouters, “Lobbying Expenditures and Campaign Contributions by the Pharmaceutical and Health Product Industry in the United States, 1999-2018,” JAMA, May 2020, https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC7054854/#:~:text=This%20observational%20study%2C%20which%20analyzed,%24414%20million%20on%20contributions%20to.

[37] Lev Facher, “Prescription Politics,” STAT, June 9, 2021, https://www.statnews.com/feature/prescription-politics/federal-full-data-set/.

[38] Health Sector Summary, Open Secrets, https://www.opensecrets.org/industries/indus?ind=H.

[39] Julia Rock, “A backroom deal to kill single payer,” The Lever, June 9, 2021, https://www.levernews.com/a-backroom-deal-to-kill-single-payer/.

[40] Olivia Rosane, “68% of US public wants Gaza cease-fire: poll,” Common Dreams, https://www.commondreams.org/news/68-americans-gaza-cease-fire; Sharon Zhang, “Poll shows American support for Israel is cratering amid its violent siege,” Truthout, November 15, 2023, https://truthout.org/articles/poll-shows-american-support-for-israel-is-cratering-amid-its-violent-siege/.

[41] Chicago Council on Global Affairs, October 9, 2023, https://globalaffairs.org/research/public-opinion-survey/prior-attack-israel-majority-americans-supported-talks-hamas; U. Maryland, https://criticalissues.umd.edu/sites/criticalissues.umd.edu/files/UMCIP_Israel_Results_June2023.pdf.

[42] In recent campaign cycles, congressional Democrats and Republicans have received an average of $30 to $66 thousand dollars per campaign from Zionist lobbies. So far in the 2023-2024 cycle, Robert Menendez (D-NJ) has hauled in $1,087 million, Ted Cruz (R-TX) $462,000, Richie Torres (D-NY) $392,234, Hakim Jeffries (D-NY) $365,200 and so on. Open Secrets, “Pro-Israel Summary,” https://www.opensecrets.org/industries//indus?ind=q05.

[43] Li, Yifei, and Judith Shapiro, China Goes Green: Coercive Environmentalism for a Troubled Planet (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2020).

[44] Kate Larsen et al., “China’s greenhouse gas emissions exceeded the developed world for the first time in 2019,” Rhodium Group, May 6, 2021, https://rhg.com/research/chinas-emissions-surpass-developed-countries/; Michon Scott, op cit.

[45] Smith, “Why China cannot decarbonize,” op cit. Also Lauri Myllyvirta et al., “China’s power and steel industries continue to invest in coal-based capacity, complicating carbon goals,” CREA, September 28, 2022, https://energyandcleanair.org/publication/chinas-power-and-steel-industries-continue-to-invest-in-coal-based-capacity-complicating-carbon-goals/; and Yujie Xue, “China coal power spree continues at frantic pace with 300+ plants in pipeline despite 2030 pledge, research says,” South China Morning Post, August 29, 2023, https://shorturl.at/mKLXZ.

[46] Suppressing GHG emissions sufficient to save humanity would require shutdowns and retrenchments of  entire industries in the United States, which in turn would require nationalizing the fossil fuel industrial complex via buyouts, replacing the market with economic planning to reorganize our economy and rationalize resource consumption, institutionalizing mass democracy to ensure fairness and win popular support for wrenching changes we need to take to save ourselves, and other measures. For some thoughts on these see my “An ecosocialist path to limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°, Systemchangenotclimatechange.org, November 27, 2018, https://systemchangenotclimatechange.org/article/ecosocialist-path-limiting-global-temperature-rise-15c/; and  “Six theses on saving the planet,” Next System Project, November 2015, https://thenextsystem.org/sites/default/files/2018-10/RichardSmith-2.pdf.

[47] For an explanation of how China’s drivers differ from those of capitalism see my “Why China can’t decarbonize” op cit. and China’s Engine, chapters 5&6.

[48] Steven Lee Myers, “Teenager in China wages a lonesome crusade for climate action, New York Times, December 5, 2020, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/04/world/asia/ou-hongyi-chinaclimate.html.

[49] Bloomberg, “China stands almost alone in expanding its coal power fleet,” March 13, 2023,https://madeinchinajournal.com/2023/01/05/why-china-cannot-decarbonise/. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-03-14/china-stands-almost-alone-in-expanding-its-coal-power-fleet?utm_source=cbnewsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_term=2023-03-17&utm_campaign=Daily+Briefing+15+03+2023&sref=4KuSK5Q1; Zhang Xiaoli, « Coal power is no cure for Guangdong,” China Dialogue, May 4, 2023, https://chinadialogue.net/en/energy/coal-power-is-no-cure-for-guangdong/#:~:text=Guangdong%2C%20a%20major%20provincial%20economy,power%20is%20not%20the%20answer.

[50] Nectar Gan, “Xi Jinping tells China’s national security chiefs to prepare for ‘worst case’ scenarios,” CNN, June 1, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2023/05/31/china/china-xi-national-security-meeting-intl-hnk/index.html.

[51] “A democratic China must be realized in our time, we cannot settle of the next generation with his duty – Xu Zhiyong’s court statement,” China Change, April 9, 2023, https://chinachange.org/2023/04/09/a-democratic-china-must-be-realized-in-our-time-we-cannot-saddle-the-next-generation-with-this-duty-xu-zhiyongs-court-statement/.

Yes, it’s a Genocide

Destruction of Palestine Tower on Oct 7. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Damage_in_Gaza_Strip_during_the_October_2023_-_01_(cropped).jpg
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Destruction of Palestine Tower on Oct 7. Source: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Damage_in_Gaza_Strip_during_the_October_2023_-_01_(cropped).jpg

Of dragging a corpse up two steps leading out of a concentration camp hut: “The man with the corpse approached the steps. Wearily he dragged himself up. Then the body: first the feet, then the trunk, and finally – with an uncanny rattling noise – the head of the corpse bumped up the two steps.” One of the most vivid images that has stayed with me from Dr. Viktor Frankl’s enduring success, Man’s Search for Meaning, is this description. Years later, I still occasionally reflect on this solemn portrayal and the teeth-gritting chills it gave me upon first reading. Frankl’s account, though often insinuating a longer martyrdom in Auschwitz than he endured (Frankl spent much more time at Theresienstadt and Kaufering III), is nonetheless laudable for its poignant and dour account of day-to-day life in Nazi forced labor camps. Appending this description of the camps lies an introduction to Frankl’s branch of psychology: Logotherapy. A humanistic and existentialist approach to understanding the human mind; Logotherapy stresses the importance of meaning to human well-being and mental health: “He who has a why to live can bear almost any how.” With this quotation in mind, perhaps Logotherapy could hold some explanatory power for the situation in Gaza today. When viewing images of Palestinian men digging through concrete and rebar-laden rubble, oft with their bare hands in exhaustive efforts to uncover survivors and corpses alike—quite likely starved of food and water—one can’t help but wonder: what keeps them going?

Genocide is a very serious accusation, perhaps most especially when being directed towards the world’s only Jewish state. Perhaps even more seriously still, as we now find ourselves three months removed from the worst antisemitic massacre committed since the great wars. Indeed, if such an act were in response to precisely this massacre, Hamas’ invasion of South Israel on October 7th, 2023, the allegation of genocide must be coupled with a great deal of evidence. As the much-celebrated scientific educator Carl Sagan used to say: “Extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence.” Let us first establish the threshold upon which crimes become genocidal, and then judge for ourselves whether the evidence supporting an Israeli overstepping this limit is extraordinary or not.

The official, internationally accepted definition of genocide is provided in the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, adopted in 1948. This convention defines genocide as: “… any of the following acts committed with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part …” Notably, all 153 signatories of this convention must prevent and punish genocide. It criminalizes not just the administration of genocide but also attempted genocide and complicity towards genocide. Simply put, two elements must be present to prove genocide: intent on the part of the organization or actor, and the methods reproduced above employed towards the fulfillment of said intent. Two important caveats must be known when considering this charge: one, the crimes must be committed generally upon the group itself, not individuals within that group, and two, the crimes cannot be the byproducts of some other goal, like waging a war.

Naturally, intent tends to be the most difficult aspect of any crime to prove. The same might be true here if it were not for the many religiously extreme, dehumanizing, and frankly bloodthirsty pronouncements made by members of the Israeli government. For example, in response to October 7th, Ariel Kallner, a member of Israel’s ruling far-right Likud party, stated “Right now, one goal: Nakba! A Nakba that will overshadow the Nakba of 1948.” Meanwhile, member of the Knesset and former Likud Minister of Information, Galit Distel-Atbaryan, called for Gaza to be “erased from the face of the earth.” Similarly, Likud lawmaker Tally Gotliv recommended Israel shouldn’t just “flatten a neighborhood” but rather should start “crushing and flattening Gaza without mercy.” 

Moving to the working cabinet, Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir posted that “as long as Hamas does not release the hostages in its hands – the only thing that needs to enter Gaza is hundreds of tons of explosives from the Air Force, not an ounce of humanitarian aid.” In parallel to Ben-Gvir’s comments, Israel’s Minister of Defense Yoav Gallant ordered a “complete siege” of the Gaza Strip, with “no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed.” Stressing the necessity of such medieval measures, he expounded, “We are fighting human animals, and we are acting accordingly.” To be fair, it’s plausible Mr. Gallant was speaking of Hamas, and not innocent Palestinian civilians – however, he didn’t say so at the time, and the siege didn’t discriminate – it collectively punished a population with 63% already suffering from food insecurity. Indeed, Israel’s President Isaac Herzog rebuked this very distinction, saying: “It’s an entire nation out there that is responsible. This rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved, it’s absolutely not true. They could’ve risen up, they could have fought against that evil regime.” Striking a similarly absolutist note, the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) issued a statement: “You either stand with Israel or you stand with terrorism”. Consider where this leaves Palestinians – where do they have left to stand? If you were in Gaza, enduring a 16 year blockade, witnessing your city’s unemployment rate rise to 45%, and watching 80% of your compatriots left to rely on international aid, where would it leave you? 

It should be noted that such statements have not come with impunity. Israeli Heritage Minister Amihay Eliyahu was suspended indefinitely from cabinet meetings for voicing openness to a nuclear strike on Gaza – a comment he later defended as “metaphorical.” However, Eliyahu saw fit to add later, “A strong and disproportionate response to terrorism is definitely required…” On Eliyahu’s suspension, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office wrote: “Eliyahu’s statements are not based in reality. Israel and the IDF are operating in accordance with the highest standards of international law…” It would be easier to applaud the Prime Minister’s stance here, had it not been for his own comments regarding the “second stage” of Israel’s war on Gaza. Referring to the operation as a “holy mission,” Netanyahu said, “you must remember what Amalek has done to you…” – referring to the biblical passage where God commands Saul: “Now go and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have and spare them not; but slay both man and women, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and ass” (Old Testament in 1 Samuel 15:3).

If one does not find the quotations thus expressed sufficient for proof of intent, there is evidence upon which they could base their opposition. Many of the statements cited above were made immediately after the events of October 7th, and perhaps could be attributed to the strong emotions such an event certainly evoked. Indeed, on many other occasions Israel has stated that their campaign is solely against Hamas militants, and emphasized the importance it places upon civilian safety and protection. Factors such as these contribute to making criminal intent such a high burden of proof: for, how is one to distinguish objectively between statements that genuinely reflect personal convictions and organizational intent, versus those made for other reasons, political and otherwise? Concerning this matter, CNN reported that according to sources familiar with their planning, the initial intent of the IDF was to “level” the entirety of the Gaza Strip. This intention, purportedly in place until sometime after October 7th, has since been scaled back and stymied: influenced in part by American pressure stemming from an international community increasingly sympathetic to Palestinian suffering. The significance of such an admission lies in its revelation of intent not only as presented to the public but as communicated within internal strategic discourse.   

If still unconvinced, one should know that in the case of genocide, intent does not have to be explicit but can be inferred, as determined in adjudication conducted by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: they write that intent can be derived “from the general context of the perpetration of other culpable act systematically directed against that same group.” Continuing, they state “Other factors, such as the scale of atrocities committed, their general nature, … deliberately and systematically targeting victims on account of their membership of a particular group …can enable the Chamber to infer the genocidal intent of a particular act.” 

Switching now from intent to the methodologies of genocide, we’ll start with killings. The number of Palestinians killed in the IDF’s retaliatory invasion is estimated to be somewhere between 21,000 to 30,000, depending on if the victims likely to be buried under debris are counted. What proportion of these deaths are civilian is difficult to determine, as the Gaza Health Ministry (often discredited as Hamas-run: a bias dismissed by organizations like the Human Rights Watch and World Health Organization) doesn’t release such data, but if one only counts women and children, it would put the figure somewhere around 71%. It should be noted that the humanitarian, non-profit organization Euro-Med Monitor has estimated the civilian death toll to be as high as 90%. For point of reference, according to professor of Law and former military officer William Eckhardt, generally about 50% of war deaths are civilians.

Regarding “Killing masses of civilians,” historian Dirk Moses writes that it’s “not illegal if motivated by military goals: victory not destruction.” One should wonder if such a loophole could exonerate an IDF that openly places emphasis  “on damage and not on accuracy” in their operations. On this point, genocide scholar Omar Bartov notes: “you have a clear disproportionality between the military goals as they are articulated by the Israeli military and the number of civilians that are being killed.” Correspondingly, he adds that “it’s not clear that Israel has really managed to dismantle Hamas as a fighting organization.” Indeed, one is left to wonder how thoughtful a large-scale bombing campaign is, if the purported targets of said bombs are precisely the ones hiding in underground bunkers.

Examples of causing serious bodily or mental harm as an act of genocide include torture, inhumane or degrading treatment, and interrogations combined with beatings – all of which have been documented at length as methods employed by Israeli forces for decades, largely with impunity. Specifically regarding the Israeli offensive in Gaza: deportation, threats of death, and knowledge of impending death have all been used to establish evidence of actus reus (meaning criminal act) for genocide. In the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, the trial judgment for Prosecutor v. Blagojevic and Jokic expounded upon this point: “… the sense of utter helplessness and extreme fear for their family and friends’ safety, are traumatic experiences from which one will not quickly – if ever – recover.” The threat of death in Gaza is ubiquitous, leaving civilians with nowhere safe to seek refuge amid relentless bombing. It is difficult to fathom the grief, stress, and trauma now being inflicted on virtually the entire Gazan population, exacerbated by the devastating and illegal use of white phosphorus over urban and residential areas.

Particularly relevant to the ongoing situation in Gaza is the last remaining method of genocide: deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. In the month following October 7th, Israel dropped more than 25,000 tonnes of explosives on 12,000 targets in the Gaza Strip. Contextualizing this, NBC writes “In the first week of the conflict, which began after Hamas’ Oct. 7 terrorist attack killed more than 1,200 Israelis, the IDF dropped 6,000 bombs in Gaza. In 2019, the U.S. dropped 7,400 bombs in Afghanistan over the course of an entire year.” This is all the more shocking when one considers the fact that the Gaza Strip is 1787th the size of Afghanistan in land area. In North Gaza, where Gaza City sits and where the majority of Gazans resided before the conflict, airstrikes have inflicted the most severe damage, affecting 52%-65% of all structures by late November.

In their joint statement in November, entitled “Palestine: Preventing a Genocide in Gaza and a New Nakba,” over twenty independent UN experts note: “the destruction of housing units, as well as hospitals, schools, mosques, bakeries, water pipes, sewage, and electricity networks, threaten to make the continuation of Palestinian life in Gaza impossible.” About 90% of Gaza’s population, 2.3 million people, have now been internally displaced, mostly packed within the increasingly constrictive, and over-crowded Southern regions of Rafah, and Khan Younis. Expanding on this, Bartov notes, “they’re living under dire conditions and lacking all sufficient infrastructure for long-term survival. With the approach of winter now, things are going to get much, much worse quickly.” It’s crucial to highlight that even before this mass exodus southward, the Gaza Strip was among the world’s most densely populated places. Compounding the severity of the situation, evacuations orders for large areas of Khan Younis have been ordered in wake of an expanding ground offensive. Of course, this isn’t to infer that Israeli military operations have been confined to definite zones, providing civilians safe asylum elsewhere: Israeli bombs have often been dropped on so-called safe areas.

Accusing Israel of genocide has had some opposition. This opposition tends to, so far as I can tell, come in one of a couple forms. First, some highlight Israel’s capability to destroy all of Palestine, using nuclear weapons or otherwise. For, if Israel is so genocidal why don’t they simply kill all Palestinians tomorrow – they’ve had the means to do so for a long time? One might have thought such an argument too crass and reductive to utter in public – but the logic has been employed by various public figures with large followings, including Andrew Sullivan and Sam Harris. If one were to assume a purely self-interested, sociopathic, and indeed, genocidal intent on the part of the Israeli regime, one could argue that the political, strategic, and optical ramifications alone could dissuade from perpetrating such a terse, blatant, and nightmare-scenario attack. However, we need not even argue on this point. As has been established already, genocides do not need to be absolute, quick, or even murderous to qualify. As Raphael Lemkin, the Polish-Jewish lawyer credited for coining the term genocide explains, the act of genocide can entail “a coordinated plan aimed at destruction of the essential foundations of the life of national groups so that these groups … wither and die like plants that have suffered a blight … It may be accomplished by wiping out all basis of personal security, liberty, health and dignity.”

Others who defend Israel’s policy as non-genocidal use the omnipresent platitude that Israel has “a right to defend itself”. The crimes committed during Hamas’ invasion of Southern Israel on October 7th and the following days, horrific as they undoubtedly were, warrant a substantial military response, or more specifically, to do whatever is necessary to eradicate Hamas and ensure such a catastrophe never happens again. Such arguments often retort that Hamas is genocidal themselves, frequently citing the group’s 1988 founding charter, or one of the many violent and antisemitic things Hamas officials have done or said over the years. Again, it’s worth digressing that indefensible as Hamas is, the Israeli regime played a crucial role in them assuming power, attempting to establish useful counterweights against Yassar Arafat’s Palestinian Liberation Organization – an act of divide and conquer now admitted to have been a critical oversight by former Israeli officials. Regardless, no matter the nature of Hamas the point is legally irrelevant, self-defence does not negate and cannot be used to justify a genocide. According to international law: “no state or individual can ever be permitted to justify genocide in the name of self-defence.” 

Alternatively, many who dismiss the idea of an Israeli-perpetrated genocide may point to some of the ways Israel protects Palestinian civilians in times of conflict. For instance, the American Jewish Committee highlights warnings of impending airstrikes to Gazans and the establishment of humanitarian corridors for the evacuation of North Gaza. First, it must be known that both measures have been neglected and ignored repeatedly by the IDF: strikes have been conducted in civilian areas without warning, and Palestinians have been targeted and killed while traveling down the corpse-laden humanitarian corridors. Second, such measures, sporadically abided by, would constitute a more persuasive counterargument – if only these internally displaced Gazans weren’t funnelled into a completely predictable, and increasingly untenable humanitarian disaster: due largely in part to the often impeded, and wholly insufficient humanitarian aid.

Continuing, the American Jewish Committee also argued that Hamas is largely responsible for civilian deaths in Gaza, due to their operations, like firing rockets from and amid civilian areas and infrastructure like hospitals and schools – thus, turning them into legitimate military targets. This claim corresponds to a more general, often repeated accusation that Hamas uses human shields, despite reporting suggesting that independent evidence in support of this claim is often, if not at best, “anecdotal”. As Hanan Ashrawi, executive member of the Palestinian Liberation Organization explains: “Hamas is a political party after all, not just a military wing … Hamas has day-care centers, has schools, has hospitals …” Correspondently, he continues “Hamas … belongs to a very pluralistic system. It has in Gaza many services, offices and so on. And therefore if you are going to destroy everything related to Hamas as a party, as a movement, it means that you’re going to go on the rampage against families, homes, hospitals, schools and social services,”

Making the matter more complicated, Hamas is facing a far superior military foe. Any conventional military engagement would spell certain defeat, thus necessitating the use of covert, guerrilla tactics. Any distinguishable and isolated military compound would surely have been targeted and destroyed during one of the many Israel-Hamas conflicts since their rise to power in 2006. But unlike other guerrilla fighters, terroristic and otherwise, Gaza has no vast expanses of rainforest or mountain ranges in which to retreat and hide. They act instead, like the rest of Gaza, trapped within an “open-air prison” and necessarily must operate within the borders of this densely populated enclave. Obviously, this isn’t to free Hamas of responsibility, especially in relation to the purported use of hospitals, schools, and places of worship, which if proven correct is an obvious and damnable war crime. Indeed, Hamas officials have clearly encouraged citizens to act as martyrs on multiple occasions, and in this respect are deserving of strong condemnation.

Following the 2009 Israeli Operation Cast Lead, resulting in approximately 1400 Palestinians deaths, including around 350 children, Amnesty International found that Hamas “launched rockets and located military equipment and positions near civilian homes”, though not necessarily when civilians were present. They later added that Hamas was “endangering the lives of the inhabitants by exposing them to the risk of Israeli attacks.”. However, this does not constitute shielding under international law. Later Amnesty stated that “Contrary to repeated allegations by Israeli officials”, they found no evidence that Hamas or other Palestinian fighters directed the movement of civilians to shield military objects. Nor did they find fighters prevented residents from leaving buildings or areas commandeered by militants. Similarly, a Human Rights Watch report found “no evidence that the civilian victims were used by Palestinian fighters as human shields.” While The Independent and The Guardian concluded it was a “myth” that Hamas forced civilians to stay in areas under attack against their will and many refugees told them they refused to heed the IDF’s warnings because even areas Israel had declared safe for refugees had been shelled by its forces.

Even if Hamas sometimes intentionally hid and operated among civilian targets, it would hardly allot Israel post hoc justification for every civilian casualty. As Save the Children notes, more children have been killed in Gaza over a three week period than in all global conflicts combined annually since 2019. Attempts to summarily absolve the IDF for such shocking statistics constitute an insultingly insufficient excuse and should be viewed with serious skepticism, especially when sprouting from an IDF caught repeatedly in ridiculous, and bold-faced lies.

As United States Secretary of State Antony Blinken said, “Israel has one of the most sophisticated militaries in the world,”, adding “It is capable of neutralizing the threat posed by Hamas, while minimizing harm to innocent men, women and children.”. In a speech recently given in Dubai, Vice President Kamala Harris said: “Too many innocent Palestinians have been killed”, and “Frankly, the scale of civilian suffering and the images and videos coming from Gaza are devastating.” These statements represent a notable rhetorical shift from Israel’s longtime ally – introducing caveat, and condition to what was earlier near categorical support for the Israeli military campaign, and could constitute implicit, and inferred recognition of the Israeli military’s failure in preventing civilian casualties. This shift came to a climax when U.S. President Biden, during a fundraising event, asserted that Israel was losing international support due to their “indiscriminate bombing” in Gaza.

Human shields or not, the IDF is still obligated by international law to take all feasible precautions to minimize harm to civilians and civilian objects. Deliberate or reckless targeting of civilian infrastructure, as exemplified by the recent destruction of the Maghazi water tower, cannot be justified under international law. This devastating act has contributed to 95% of Gazans having no access to clean drinking water by early November. Furthermore, the region has witnessed hundreds of attacks on crucial, life-saving medical infrastructure. Punctuating this note, the United Nations recently held moment of silence to honour the more than 100 aid workers who’ve been killed, marking a tragic toll surpassing any other conflict in their history.

In concluding on the unfolding tragedy in Gaza, one must confront the disquieting question: is the term “genocide” applicable, or are we mired in a matter of mere semantics? The international legal definition of genocide, as articulated by the United Nations, demands both intent and methodical actions that target a specific group. The statements made by some Israeli officials following the events of October 7th raise legitimate concerns about intent, which when coupled with the devastation in Gaza – amount to what I believe is a compelling legal case for genocide.

As asked in a recent piece from The Nation, “does one have to wait for a genocide to be completed to name it?” The ongoing suffering, displacement, and destruction in Gaza invoke a sense of urgency in labeling the situation for what it is, and for prompt investigation and adjudication, rather than waiting for a tragic culmination. The international community faces a moral imperative to act in the face of potential genocide, recognizing that early intervention may prevent further atrocities. The fact that the initial intent of the IDF to “level” the Gaza Strip has been scaled back, underscores the role of global pressure in shaping on-going strategic decisions.

The juxtaposition of the comparatively swift characterization of the Russian invasion of Ukraine as a genocide by President Biden, as well as the prompt conviction of Vladimir Putin as a war criminal, introduces an uncomfortable element of moral hypocrisy. The differential treatment in labeling conflicts, and pursuing justice underscores the challenges and biases inherent in Western epistemological approaches, as well as within international institutions. The urgency with which certain situations are deemed genocidal while others undergo prolonged scrutiny raises pertinent questions about the consistency of global moral judgments. The people of Gaza endure unimaginable hardships, and their plight demands a collective response that transcends pettifogging linguistic debates. Instead, it should spur a mounted response, bringing relief and justice to a region and people long starved for both.

 

Sudan: revolution and counter-revolution

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Genocide strikes Darfur, again

9,000 people have died and over 5.6 million have been displaced since the latest escalation in Sudan started on April 15th 2023. The fighting between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) continues for seven months now. Today’s war has mainly been fought in the capital Khartoum, as well as in the West of Sudan and some major cities in the South. 

Since the beginning of November dramatic and very brutal attacks by the RSF and its allies have been taking place against the civilian population, especially the Masalit, in Ardamata in Western Darfur State. It is not the first time that the people of West Sudan are subjected to massacres, to pillage, and to rape. 

The violence against the Masalit evokes images of the Darfur genocide that commenced in 2003, especially given that the present victims once again belong to the non-Arabic population and that the perpetrators, back then the Janjaweed and today the RSF, share historical and organisational ties. 

From Rebel group to Paramilitary  

The RSF, officially established in 2013, evolved from West Sudan’s so-called Janjaweed militias and became a paramilitary force, which as of today is engaged in fierce fighting for control over the Sudan. 

Hemiti, its current commander, expanded its influence and capabilities. The RSF became a key player in Sudan’s internal politics, aligning itself with the government of Omar al-Bashir. Its role expanded beyond Sudan’s borders, with RSF fighters reportedly involved in conflicts such as the war in Yemen, supported by Saudi Arabia. 

​​The RSF’s evolution and integration into the Sudanese military and security apparatus solidified its position as a powerful force, distinct from its origins as the Janjaweed militia. While maintaining its paramilitary nature, the RSF became instrumental in suppressing protests against the Sudanese government, particularly during the 2019 demonstrations that led to the ousting of al-Bashir.

Since the ousting of Omar Al-Bashir, the army and pro-democracy groups have demanded the RSF’s integration into the regular armed forces. Adel Abdel Ghafar, a fellow at the Middle East Council, said the RSF “has resisted integration into the army, understanding it would lose its power.” 

This led to today’s brutal civil war, with conflict once again focusing on the West of Sudan, where the RSF is establishing a powerbase, ruthlessly killing men, women, and children. 

Unpacking Misconceptions

Despite popular narratives, neither the genocide of 2003 nor today’s violence, death, and displacement in the West of Sudan are based on visible racial or religious differences. “All parties involved in the Darfur conflict–whether they are referred to as “Arab” or “African”–are equally indigenous, equally black, and equally Muslim”, says Ahmad Sikainga, Professor of History at The Ohio State University. 

Darfur is home to diverse ethnic groups, including Arabic-speaking communities like the Rizaiqat and non-Arabic speaking groups such as the Masalit and the Fur. Despite linguistic differences, these groups share common racial and cultural backgrounds. A long history of migration and intermarriage has created ethnic fluidity, with labels like “Arab” often used for occupation rather than ethnicity, as Arabic-speaking groups are mainly pastoralists, while non-Arab groups are mostly sedentary farmers, though these distinctions are often crossed. 

The struggle over diminishing resources led to repeated conflicts, which historically were resolved through local customs and practices, including tribal conferences and mediation. The post-independence abolition of native administration policies and political manipulation by Sudanese rulers further escalated tensions. Regional and ethnic rebel movements emerged, and in the 1960s, the Darfur Development Front advocated for economic development and autonomy. These events, including two civil wars that eventually led to the independence of the South, influenced the Darfur crisis. After Omar Al-Bashir’s 1993 ascent to power, the dictator was confronted with a wildfire of political conflicts. 

In order to secure his power in the West of Sudan and to prevent further autonomy aspirations, Sudan’s long-ruling President used the Janjaweed militias to help the army put down a rebellion and to bolster Arab hegemony in the region.

Exploiting Inequalities 

Since gaining independence in 1956, Sudan has grappled with a series of civil wars and political instability, including the North–South conflict resolved in 2005 after two rounds of fighting. Today’s civil war is part of this larger pattern of Sudanese crisis, marked by conflicts in various regions, such as the Nuba Mountains, Upper Blue Nile, and the Beja region. 

These challenges trace back to deep-seated regional, political, and economic inequalities rooted in Sudan’s colonial and post-colonial history, characterized by the hegemony of a small group of Arabic-speaking elites marginalizing non-Arab and non-Muslim groups in the peripheries.

These political elites actively sowed conflicts along linguistic lines in Darfur, where the majority of the population is Muslim but not exclusively Arabic-speaking. Similarly, in the marginalized South, Nuba Mountains, and Red Sea region, where the majority consists of non-Arab and non-Muslim groups, political powers instigated conflicts along these distinctions. 

Thus, the genocide in Darfur beginning in 2003 as well as today’s violence needs to be understood as a proxy war for power in a country struggling with its colonial legacy. Furthermore, the recruitment campaigns of the RSF, often overlooked, respond to the disenfranchisement of people in the wider region. 

The RSF capitalized on social inequalities and thus it is not surprising that as of today we can see that the RSF is not only composed of people native to the West of Sudan, but also young, and disenfranchised people of the wider region. 

 

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 3

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 3 of a four-part series. Part 1 Part 2 Part 4

SCIENCE WITHOUT FREEDOM OF THOUGHT?

MODERNIZATION WITHOUT DEMOCRACY?

There is no university in China that has freedom of thought or academic independence. Thought control has been one of the critical parts of the Communist Party’s governance. Art should serve politics; intellectuals should serve the party. This has always been the rule. It has never been changed, and it will never be changed.

-Professor Peidong Sun, Fudan University[1]

Everyone feels they are in danger. . . How do we make progress, how can we produce innovations in this environment?

-Professor You Shengdong (fired from Xiamen University in 2018 for criticizing Party propaganda slogans)[2]

[W]hile India continued to have famine under British rule right up to independence (the last famine, which I witnessed as a child, was in 1943 four years before independence), they disappear suddenly with the establishment of a multiparty democracy and the free press.”

-Amartya Sen[3]

I. Who’s holding China back?

If Xi’s Chinese-style modernization has shattered the myth that modern-is-Western, then why is his economy still so dependent on Western science and technology?[4] Xi blames it all on the West, complaining that “the U.S. wants to hold China back.” No doubt. Since the end of WWII presidents of the world’s leading capitalist imperial power from Eisenhower to Trump and Biden have all been concerned to maintain U.S. global hegemony, to hold back, if not roll back, the Soviet Union and China.

But that just begs the question: Instead of imploring the West to lift its sanctions and sell China the advanced technology it needs, why doesn’t Xi just tell the West to go to hell and invent his own ultra-high-tech microchips, cutting-edge software and other advanced technologies? After all, the world’s leading microchip foundry, Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Corporation (TSMC), is just 100 miles off the coast of the so-called People’s Republic, it’s 100% Chinese, and it produces 60% of the world’s microchips and 90% of the most advanced chips. Why didn’t Communist China found TSMC instead of capitalist Taiwan? Or as the New York Time’s Li Yuan asks, “Why didn’t China invent ChatGPT?[5] Chinese students regularly lead the OECD’s global tests for 15 year olds in science, math, and reading.[6] Many of China’s scientists have been trained in the West and many have done collaborative research in China with Western scientists for decades. The China Daily brags that “China’s sci-tech research achievements are ‘overwhelming.’”[7] Here and there, despite their oppressive political environment, despite time wasted in compulsory ideological studies, some Chinese scientists do manage to produce first-rate science.[8] There is no shortage of brilliant Chinese scientists and technicians inside and outside of the PRC. But for the most part, they’re only encouraged to “think different” and innovate outside of the PRC.

I contend that what’s holding China back is not Western containment but Communist Party self-containment. As we noted in Part II, China’s leaders have been struggling for decades to ignite “indigenous innovation” with little to show for it. As the editor-in-chief of the country’s own Science and Technology Daily writes, “China needs to stop fooling itself that it’s a world leader in science and technology.”[9] The problem is rooted in the nature of the Communist Party, especially its deep suspicion of and hostility to any kind of independent thinking. This goes back to the Party’s Stalinization from the late 1920s and its re-construction in the 1930s as a peasant-based party led by the Confucianist-Stalinist totalitarian Mao Zedong.[10]

 II. What explains the PRC’s paucity of Nobel Prizes in science?  

Anti-intellectualism and corruption have distorted China’s schools and universities since the founding of the PRC. Large-scale scientific and academic fraud is rampant throughout China’s universities and companies,[11] a situation that has only grown worse since Perry Link’s “evening chats” with scientists and professors in the 1980s.[12] In my China’s Engine book I quoted Link’s insightful explanation of why this is due to the nature of the system:

Link explained how corruption in government institutions and academia was unavoidable. His interviewees—professors and other intellectuals—told him that “nothing can get done without it.” Corruption is structurally built into Chinese institutions which are all controlled by the Party. Party secretaries still have power, they have the last say in matters of a worker’s rank, salary, job description, promotion, as well as other matters such as housing and access to schools. So most people are brought into it whether they intend so or not. What’s more, “if a leader is too clean, he loses out.” In such an atmosphere, one academic told Link that “keeping good ‘relations’ with people becomes much more important than doing one’s work well.” “Only the relations, not the work, count when it comes to promotions and welfare.” The director of one of China’s provincial academies of science told Link that “fully half the people on her academy’s permanent payroll simply should not be there. They were not suited to do their jobs. They had gotten there through ‘back door’ connections with Party officials in the academy.” China’s science research, practice, and teaching suffer accordingly.

According to one graduate student: “The leaders want only two things from scientists: technology and face. They want us to build and run machines to make China look ‘modern’; they also want some big, glory-producing projects like a proton accelerator, which few countries have . . . What do [high officials] know about physics?” The pressure to please Party officials instead of doing science encourages scientists and engineers to chase after patents to rack up numbers to please the higher-ups, even if these inventions are trivial or even faked. It encourages industrial-scale scientific fraud. Chasing after scientific glory to compete with the US has resulted in China squandering money on useless prestige projects like the world’s biggest radio telescope which, lacking scientists of the caliber needed to run it, has been turned into a theme park.

The Communist Party’s policies of repressing scientists and other intellectuals is combined with its long-standing “policy of keeping the populace ignorant” (yumin zhengce) by dumbing down mass education even as they build dozens of new universities. One historian told Link that:

Our leaders’ view is that they know the truth. The purpose of education is to share that truth with the masses, but even education of this sort is not terribly important. What is important is that the masses be properly led. There is no need for people to think for themselves—in fact, independent thought, as they see it, can lead to chaos and trouble.[13]

Schooling for thinkers or docile tools? 

While Xi is driving scientists and tech talent out of the country to the benefit of the West, he’s also working to dumb down the minds of those who remain by crushing their creativity and force-feeding indoctrination of students from grade school through college with the tedious mind-numbing “Thought of Xi Jinping.” Since October 2020, classes in Xi Jinping’s thoughts have been compulsory in China’s universities. In 2021, “Xi Jinping’s thoughts on socialism with Chinese characters in a new era” have been mandatory in primary school: New school books “are filled with the president’s pithy quotes and pictures of his smiling face.” For the youngest children the new textbooks use “golden maxims” from Mr. Xi, as well as vivid stories and emotional experiences to “plant the seeds of love for the party, love for the nation and love for socialism in their little hearts”. The education ministry’s National Textbook Committee sets out further aims. “Youngsters should be guided to understand that Mr. Xi is the leader of the whole party and country, it says. They must also resolve to obey and follow the party from their earliest years.” In case a student is tempted to “think different,” the new books include warnings about those who fail to fit in. The last chapter of the new textbook for six- to eight-year-olds opens with an injunction to “Button the First Button of Life Correctly” – an admonition Xi frequently uses when speaking to children — to warn them not to end up out of line with their peers, like a misbuttoned coat that will have to be unbuttoned and redone all over again.[14]

At the university level, the cult of Xi is has put “politics in command” once again, to the detriment of education. As an October 2014 headline of the South China Morning Post read: “Studies of Xi Jinping thought or ideology grab lion’s share of funding for research.”[15] Xi’s Party has crushed independent thinking in every field. A Guangdong university professor of media studies recently told the same newspaper that “Regardless what subject is being taught, one needs to establish some links between it and Xi’s thoughts. . . Once you spend all your daily energy on these things, you become a different person. You’ll be unable to conduct international academic discussions, address trending social topics, or anything a real scholar is supposed to do.”[16]

China’s Confucian-Stalinist schools and universities treat independent thinking as a dire threat. They abhor it and ruthlessly suppress it.[17] Open criticism or challenge to authority is systematically discouraged. Teachers and students who “dare to think” are regularly fired and expelled, even arrested. Nationalist students are recruited by the party-state to spy on teachers and turn in those who veer from the Party line.[18] In 2018, Beijing University students who initiated an independent study group in Marxist theory were arrested and disappeared.[19] In China women are said to “hold up half the sky” but feminists are bullied, arrested, jailed, tortured, and disappeared under Xi.[20] All over Confucian patriarchal East Asia one hears the refrain, “The nail that sticks up gets smacked down.” That feudal Confucian enjoinment dovetails perfectly with totalitarian cast of mind of the Stalinist-Maoist political leaders in China, North Korea and Vietnam.[21] What Chinese schools teach is rote memorization of Party approved texts, conformity, collectivity over individuality, and unquestioning obeisance to authority. It is not for students and teachers to second-guess orders and decisions of The Party which infantilizes the entire society.

The Party’s deep fear of critical thinking also goes far, in my view, to explain China’s otherwise inexplicable paucity of Nobel Prize winners in science despite having the world’s largest population, more than 3000 universities and colleges, and all the money the government has poured into science and technological development. Since 1949 eight Nobel Prizes in science have been awarded to Chinese persons but only one from the PRC, the remarkable Tu Youyou for medicine and physiology in 2015.[22] All the rest worked in Taiwan, Hong Kong, the U.S. or the U.K. Taiwanese alone have won four Nobel Prizes in physics and chemistry despite the country’s population of just 23 million people, 1/60th of the PRC’s population, fewer people than live in Beijing or Shanghai.[23]

 III. No modernization without science; no science without democracy

FANG LIZHI: “Only when Chinese intellectuals refuse to cater to power will they be transformed into genuine intellectuals and our country have a chance to modernize.”

The CCP’s reversion to hard-line neo-Maoist totalitarianism with all its negative implications for science and innovation is usually attributed to the rise of Xi Jinping. Xi is certainly dragging China back to the Maoist dark ages in many respects. Yet even during the comparatively freer first decade of “reform and opening” 1978-88, liberalization was sharply limited and conspicuous free-thinking intellectuals were severely repressed, some sent to prison or concentration camps. One of those, astrophysicist Fang Lizhi recalled how as a student and then professor in the 1980s, Chinese science was still held back by the “semi-feudal” Communist Party:

Skepticism is an independent starting point in physics. A person who cannot begin in skepticism, or who lacks the ability to raise questions independently, will never master physics. Physics does not ask you to memorize what is known to be true or false; it teaches you how to find truth for yourself, and how to distinguish truth from falsity. . . In our university courses in Marxism, however, the starting point was very different. We were taught that Marxism is the science, indeed, the science of all sciences, yet one of our teachers was fond of saying, “The best we can ever do here is to recapitulate Marx with elegance.” Something struck me as strange: science is based in doubt, yet the science of sciences needs only recapitulation? How is that? This was the first little crack in my faith [in Communism].

The first time the little crack appeared in public was on February 27, 1955. The occasion was the first Congress of the Youth League of Peking University. The topic of the Congress was the work and responsibilities of the Youth League, and the mode of discussion borrowed a page from Marxism class: elegant recapitulation. In fact, the Party leaders had already determined all of the leagues plans, and the objective of the speeches was just to inculcate the messages. . . . My first ad-libbing point was that the congress so far had been deadly dull and needed a much livelier atmosphere. Next, I said, that the real question we need to be asking is, ‘What kind of people does the youth league want us to become? Simple-minded, rule-following bookworms — or thinkers with independent minds? Should the Youth League’s goal be that everyone gets all the right answers in every subject, or that all young people learn to think for themselves, and be distinctive?” . . .

After I finished, some physics students from the class below ours, the sophomores, came up on stage and continued in the same vein, adding fuel to the flames. . . [Soon,] a senior in the physics department came over and said, “You people are in for it.” He sympathized with us but warned that our view was “incorrect.” He told us about a meeting he had attended in 1951 whose purpose had been to criticize “bourgeois tendencies” among professors. “Independent thinking” had been the main item among the incorrect bourgeois tendencies. . . How could independent thinking really be a mistake? . .

In my later career as an educator, Party officials asked me many times why it is that students stray from Communist ideology when they go to college. Where does the “counterrevolutionary” education come from? They tied themselves in knots, trying to figure out why students who were carefully selected for “good thinking” when they enter universities, turned into “bourgeois intellectuals” once they were there. They took out magnifying glasses to examine every detail of campus life . . . to remove anything that came remotely close to “counterrevolutionary thinking.” But it never worked, and can never work, because what they call “counterrevolutionary thinking,” is stuck inside science. No course in the physics department is more counterrevolutionary than Physics 1. No one who understands physics can turn around and accept a claim that Marxism Leninism is special wisdom, that trumps everything else.[24]

Fang’s political big bang

In his provocative speech entitled “Democracy, reform, and modernization” delivered to an audience of about three thousand students and faculty at Shanghai’s Tongji University on November 18,1986 at the height of the Shanghai student democracy protests (the speech so infuriated Deng Xiaoping that he ordered Fang expelled from the Party, for the second time), Fang said

Our goal at present is the thorough modernization of China. . . In the beginning, we were mainly aware of the grave shortcomings in our production of goods, our economy, our science and technology, and that modernization was required in these areas. But now we understand our situation much better. We realize that grave shortcomings exist not only in our “material civilization,” but also in our “spiritual civilization” — our culture, our ethical standards, our political institutions — and that these also require modernization.

The question we must now ask is, what kind of modernization is required? [Since the 19th century Chinese have been asking] do we want “complete Westernization” or “partial Westernization”? . . . I personally agree with the “complete Westernizers.” What complete Westernization means to me, is complete openness, the removal of restrictions in every sphere. We need to acknowledge that when looked at in its entirety, our culture lags far behind out of the world’s most advanced societies, not in any one specific aspect, but across-the-board. . . Attempting to set our inviolable [Chinese] essence off limits before it is even challenged makes no sense to me.

Why is China so backward? . . . China has been undergoing revolution for a century, but we are still very backward. This is all the more true since Liberation, these decades of socialist revolution, that we all know firsthand as students and workers. Speaking quite dispassionately, I have to judge this era a failure. . . The last thirty–odd years in China have been a failure in virtually every aspect of economic and political life. . .

Our narrow-mindedness is a consequence of feudalism and its associated attitudes. . . We must forsake this narrow framework and open our eyes to the world. We should look with humility at what others have to offer, and what is good we should try to incorporate. Complete openness, allowing the outside world to challenge our way of doing things, is the only way to change our society. . . If we could quit bolting our doors and proclaiming that everything here is wonderful, and instead open our eyes to the richly varied outside world, we would not remain so narrow-minded . . .

Turning from science to politics, Fang continued:

We’ve talked about the need for modernization and reform, so now let’s consider democracy. Our understanding of the concept of democracy is so inadequate that we can barely even discuss it. With our thinking, so hobbled by old dogmas, it is no wonder we don’t achieve democracy in practice. . .

I think that the key to understanding democracy lies first of all, in recognizing the rights of each individual. Democracy is built from the bottom up. Every individual possesses certain rights, or to use what is a very sensitive expression indeed, in China, everyone has “human rights.” We seldom dare utter the words “human rights”. . . In China, we talk about human rights as if they were something fearful, a terrible scourge. In reality they are commonplace and basic, and everyone ought to acknowledge them. . . Over the last 30 years, it seemed that every one of those good words — liberty, equality, fraternity, democracy, human rights — was labeled bourgeois by our propaganda. What on earth did that leave for us? Did we really oppose all of those things? If anything, we should outdo bourgeois society, and surpass its performance in human rights, not try to deny that human rights exist. Democracy is based on recognizing the rights of every single individual.

In democratic countries, democracy begins with the individual. I am the master, and the government is responsible to me. Citizens of democracies believe that the people maintain the government paying taxes in return for services — running schools and hospitals, administering the city, providing for the public welfare . . . A government depends on the taxpayers for support and therefore has to be responsible to its citizens. But here in China, we think the opposite way. If the government does something commendable, people say “Oh isn’t the government great for providing us with public transportation.” But this is really something it ought to be doing in exchange for our tax money . . . You have to be clear about who is supporting whom economically, because setting this straight leads to the kind of thinking that democracy requires. Yet China is so feudalistic that we always expect superiors to give orders to inferiors and follow them. What our “spiritual civilization” lacks above all is the spirit of democracy. . .

In democratic societies, democracy, and science — and most of us here are scientists — run parallel. Democracy is concerned with ideas about humanity, and science is concerned with nature. One of the distinguishing features of universities is the role of knowledge; we do research, we create new knowledge, we apply this knowledge to developing new products, and so forth. In this domain, within the spirit of science and the intellect, we make our own judgments based on our own independent criteria. . . In Western society, universities are independent from the government, in the sense that, even if the money to run the school is provided by the government, the basic decisions—regarding the content of courses, the standards for academic performance, the selection of research topics, the evaluation of results, and so on – are made by the schools themselves on the basis of values endemic to the academic community, and not by the government. . . This is how universities must be. The intellectual realm must be independent and have its own values. This is an essential guarantee of democracy. . .

Unfortunately, things are not this way in China [where since the revolution] our universities were mainly engaged in producing tools, not in educating human beings. Education was not concerned with helping students to become critical thinkers, but with producing docile instruments to be used by others. Chinese intellectuals need to insist on thinking for themselves and using their own judgment, but I’m afraid that even now we have not grasped this lesson. . . If knowledge is subservient to power, it is worthless. . . We must refuse to cater to power. Only when we do this will Chinese intellectuals be transformed into genuine intellectuals and our country have a chance to modernize and attain real democracy. This is my message to you today.[25]

Doing science in China has not improved since Fang’s indictments in the 1980s. With ultra nationalist narrow-minded Xi Jinping “bolting our doors and proclaiming that everything here is wonderful” while banning foreign textbooks, papers, magazines and journals, cutting off collaboration with Western scientists, suppressing English instruction, plugging gaps (such as VPNs) in his Great Firewall to keep out “foreign influences,” requiring hospitals to prescribe superstitious Chinese folk medicine in place of so-called “Western” medicine to treat Covid, and more, the future of Chinese science remains in doubt.[26] How Xi imagines such policies are going to turn China into an “innovation nation” is beyond me.

AMARTYA KUMAR SEN: Democracy has become the default normal form of government

In his powerful essay “Democracy as a universal value” Nobel prize-winning economist Amartya Kumar Sen explains how the notion of human rights – free speech, the free press, freedom to organize, habeas corpus, and so on which were born in the Enlightenment and the English, French, and American revolutions – had by the 20th century become universal values, and how democracy, which originated in ancient Greece, had become “the ‘normal’ form of government to which any nation is entitled – whether in Europe, America, Asia, or Africa. . . by default.”[27]

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights enshrines Western values as universal values, and expands the list

Indeed, the Enlightenment ideals of democracy and human rights were enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UNDHR) adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in December 1948.[28] The Declaration not only affirmed the full suite of inalienable human rights: free speech and expression, the right to vote and universal suffrage, habeas corpus and so on, but added a list of social, cultural and economic rights: the right to marry only with “the free and full consent of both spouses,” the freedom to dissolve the marriage at will of either partner, the “right to free choice of employment,” to “just and favourable conditions of work ensuring . . an existence worthy of human dignity, supplemented if necessary by other means of social protection,” “equal pay for equal work,” the right to form trade unions, the right to “protection against unemployment,” the right, “as a member of society,” to state-provided social security,” the right to “rest and leisure, including reasonable limitation of working hours and periodic holidays with pay,” the right to a “standard of living adequate for health and well-being,” the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age, or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control,” the right to economic assistance and social protection for children “born in or out of wedlock,” the right to free public elementary education and affordable technical/professional education. Further, “education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to the strengthening of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial and religious groups” and others.

What’s more, China is not only a signatory of the UNDHR but played an important role in writing it. Among the nine members of the drafting committee in 1948 chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt, was the vice-chair, humanist playwright, musician and diplomat Dr. Peng-Chun Chang (Zhang Penchun), representing the Republic of China (Taiwan). Chang is said to have integrated aspects of Asian thought to make it more truly universal and his contributions have been described as “the backbone of the Declaration.” While the CCP has long rejected criticisms of the PRC’s human rights records as “based on ‘Western’ concepts and standards of human rights that are unfairly applied to China, which has a different culture and different traditions from the West,” nonetheless, all 192 member states of the United Nations, most with vastly different traditions and cultures from Western democracies, signed their agreement with the UNHDR without reservation. The PRC has publicly reiterated its own endorsement of the UNDHR on numerous occasions even as it continues to grossly violate the fundamental human rights enshrined in the document.[29]

Authoritarian governments and socio-economic and ecological disasters

Beyond the issues of human rights and democracy, Sen also criticizes the argument that dictatorships are better than democracies for promoting rapid economic development. He concedes that while some authoritarian states have recorded faster rates of growth than democratic nations, the examples are too few to generalize. “There is, in fact, no convincing general evidence that authoritarian governments, and the suppression of political and civil rights are really beneficial to economic development” and “if all the comparative studies are viewed together, the hypothesis that there is no clear relation between economic growth, and democracy in either direction remains extremely plausible.”[30]

However, he points out that there is ample evidence that authoritarian governments are more prone to cause socio-economic and ecological disasters than democratic governments. He points out that it is “a remarkable fact that, in the terrible history of famines in the world, no substantial famine has ever occurred in any independent and democratic country with a relatively free press. We cannot find exceptions to this rule, no matter where we look: the recent famine of Ethiopia, Somalia, or other dictatorial regimes; famine in the Soviet Union in the 1930s; China’s 1958-61 famine with the Great Leap Forward; or earlier still, the famines of Ireland or India under alien rule.” With one of the most authoritarian regimes in the world, China “still recorded the largest famine in world history: Nearly 30 million people died of the famine of 1958-61, while faulty government policies remain uncorrected. . . The policies went uncriticized because there were no opposition parties in parliament, no free press, and no multiparty elections. Indeed, it is precisely this lack of challenge that allowed the deeply defective policies to continue, even though they were killing millions each year. The same can be said about the world’s two contemporary famines, occurring right now in North Korea and Sudan.”

Conversely, “many countries with similar natural problems, or even worse ones, manage perfectly well, because a responsive government intervenes to help alleviate hunger. . . Even the poorest democratic countries have faced terrible droughts or floods or other natural disasters (such as India in 1973, or Zimbabwe and Botswana in the early 1980s) have been able to feed their people without experiencing a famine.”[31]

“Famines are easy to prevent,” Sen writes, “if there is a serious effort to do so, and a democratic government, facing elections and criticisms from opposition parties, and independent newspapers, cannot help, but make such an effort. Not surprisingly, while India continued to have famine under British rule right up to independence (the last famine, which I witnessed as a child, was in 1943 four years before independence), they disappear suddenly with the establishment of a multiparty democracy and the free press.”[32]

WEI JINGSHENG: “Without a Fifth Modernization, democracy, all other modernizations are nothing but lies”

In 1978, as Deng Xiaoping launched his campaign for the Four Modernizations (agriculture, industry, science and technology), the fearless if near suicidally imprudent Democracy Wall activist, electrician-writer Wei Jinsheng, wrote a sensational “big character poster” entitled “The Fifth Modernization” which he signed with his own name and address, then pasted up on what came to be called “Democracy Wall,” a short distance from Zhongnanhai, the Communist Party headquarters in Beijing. Wei denounced the “totalitarian” “social fascist” politics of the CCP not only under Mao but also under Deng Xiaoping. He dismissed the Party’s propaganda about the “people’s democratic dictatorship” as “empty talk.” “People are the masters of history . . . Such words become hollow when people are unable to choose their own destiny by majority will . . . What kind of ‘masters’ are these? It would be more appropriate to call them docile slaves.” Wei argued first that democracy – elections with right of recall– must be the basis of any credible socialism:

What is democracy? True democracy means placing all power in the hands of the working people. . . It is when people, acting on their own will, have the right to choose representatives to manage affairs on the peoples’ behalf, and in accordance with the world and interests of the people. This alone can be called democracy. Furthermore, the people must have the power to replace these representatives at any time in order to keep them from abusing their power to oppress the people. . .

Will the country sink into chaos and anarchy if the people achieve democracy? On the contrary, have not the scandals exposed in the newspapers recently shown that it is precisely due to an absence of democracy, that the dictators, large and small, have caused chaos and anarchy? The maintenance of democratic order is an internal problem that the people themselves must solve. It is not something that privileged overlords need to concern themselves with. . . Those who worry that democracy will lead to anarchy and chaos, are just like those who, following the overthrow of the Qing dynasty, worried that without an emperor, the country would fall into chaos. Their decision was to patiently suffer oppression because they feared that without the weight of oppression, their spines might completely collapse!

To such people, I would like to say, with all due respect: We want to be the masters of our own destiny. We need no gods or emperors, and we don’t believe in saviors of any kind. We want to be masters of our universe; we do not want to serve as mere tools of dictators with personal ambitions for carrying out modernization. We want to modernize the lives of the people. Democracy, freedom and happiness for all are our sole objectives in carrying out modernization. Without this “Fifth Modernization,” all other modernizations are nothing but a new lie.

Further, he also insisted that democracy is indispensable for rational economic planning, arguing that if the government continued to try to plan the economy from the top-down by fiat “they would only bring more problems”:

I firmly believe that production will flourish more when controlled by the people themselves because the workers will be producing for their own benefit. Life will improve because the workers’ interests will be the primary goal. Society will be more just because all power will be exercised by the people as a whole through democratic means.[33]

Wei could hardly have foreseen just how irrational CCP-led growth would be under Deng and his successors: out-of-control overproduction of steel, housing, ghost cities, etc., out of control embourgeoisment of the Communist cadre, and out-of-control pollution threatening not just China but life on Earth. For his trouble, Deng locked him up for 14 years (the first time) and brought in capitalist methods of discipline against the workers.[34]

CHEN DUXIU: “China vs. the West”: What would Chen Duxiu say?

Chen Duxiu, chief founder of the Chinese Communist Party, gives us a powerful defense of democracy and human rights for their own sake à la Marx and Engels. For the benefit of those on the Western Left who don’t know how different his politics were from the Party’s totalitarian leaders since Mao, I want to draw attention to what Chen had to say about Western capitalist democracies, Nazi fascism, and Stalinist totalitarianism because I believe his arguments apply with equal force to the current political-ideological contest between the Putin-Xi Axis of Autocrats and Western capitalist democracies.

Chen’s vision was astonishingly prescient and his analysis was fearlessly critical of accepted dogmas about the nature of the Soviet Union and China. Chen was dean of Peking University when he co-founded the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 with professor Li Dazhao and a handful of students, teachers and other intellectuals. It’s fair to say that Chen was a democracy absolutist — as am I — and at points he took issue with Lenin and Trotsky on this issue even though he was a professed Trotskyist from 1926. He rejected dictatorship of any sort, revolutionary or counterrevolutionary.[35] Against those who dismissed capitalist democracy as merely bourgeois he vehemently defended its historical gains:

The content of modern democracy is far richer than that of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, its reach far wider. Because the modern age is the age of bourgeois rule, we call this democracy bourgeois. In reality however this system is not wholly welcome to the bourgeoisie, but is the accomplishment of the tens of millions of common people who over the last five to six hundred years have spilt their blood in struggle. Science, modern democracy, and socialism are the three main inventions, precious beyond measure, of the genius of modern humankind.[36]

To say that proletarian democracy and bourgeois democracy are different is to fail to grasp democracy’s basic content (habeas corpus, the open existence of an opposition, freedom of thought and of the press, right to strike and to vote, and so on), which is the same whether it be proletarian or bourgeois.[37]

Chen held no illusions about Western capitalist democracies. In 1932 he was arrested by the British-American imperialist Shanghai Settlement police, extradited to Nanjing and sentenced to 15 years in prison by Chang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government. He was only released in 1937 because the Communists and Nationalists formed a united front at the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese war. And yet he still supported capitalist democracies against totalitarians like Hitler and Stalin.

Like Marx, Chen insisted that democracy — workers’ power — is the indispensable basis of socialism. There could be no genuine democracy without socialism and no genuine socialism without democracy. In his view bourgeois democracy had many deficiencies but at least it permitted radicals to openly organize for socialist democracy whereas that was impossible under fascism and Stalinism:

Marx and Engels had never experienced the imperialism of Lenin’s day, so Lenin was unable to take over the ready-made theories that Marx and Engels developed to deal with the Franco-Prussian War; [similarly] Lenin never experienced Fascism and GPU politics, so we are unable to take over his theories about the last war. In the last world war, whoever lost, Britain or Germany, would have made little difference to human destiny; today [1940], however, if Germany and Russia win, humankind will be cast for at least half a century into an ever greater darkness – only if Britain, France, and America win and preserve the bourgeois democracy will the road be open to popular democracy. . . Formal and limited democracy aids the struggle for popular democracy; Fascism and GPU politics are a brake on popular democracy.[38]

He agreed with comrades that

Yes, the present world war is a war for world hegemony between two imperialist blocs. Yes, the so-called ‘war for democracy and freedom’ is a façade. That does not mean, however, that there is not still a certain measure of democracy and freedom in Britain and America. In those two countries opposition parties, trade unions, and strikes are a reality and not a mere promise. . . Hitler’s Nazis are out to rule the world with the same barbaric and reactionary methods with which they now rule Germany. . . [T]hey aim . . . to impose everywhere one doctrine, one party, one leader. . .[thus] in the present imperialist world war, to adopt a defeatist line in the democratic countries, a policy of turning the imperialist war into a revolutionary civil war, may sound left-wing but in reality it can only speed the Nazis’ victory.[39]

In August 1939 Stalin signed the mutual non-aggression pact with the German Nazis and they divided Poland between them. This confirmed Chen’s view that as far as the proletariat was concerned Fascism and Stalinism were equivalent and the overthrow of both was the precondition for humanity’s progress toward socialism:

I believe two things. (1) Until this war is concluded . . . there is no possibility of realising the mass democratic revolution. (2) German Nazi’s and Russian GPU politics (the Italians and Japanese are mere ancillaries) are the modern inquisition. If humankind is to advance, it must first overthrow this system, which is even more barbarous than the medieval inquisition. Every struggle (including the struggle against imperialism) must take second place to this struggle.[40]

That’s why he called upon comrades to side with the bourgeois democracies (despite their contradictions, hypocrisies, and limitations) against both the German Nazi fascists and the Russian Stalinists. After the Nazis invaded in June 1941, Stalin reversed himself and aligned with the “anti-fascist bourgeoisie” of the U.S., Britain and the other allies for the duration of the war.

Chen’s words could quite literally have been written yesterday about the West vs. Russia and China. He died in 1942 so we don’t know what he would have said about China under Mao. Nevertheless, in Chen’s view Stalin’s Soviet Union was “no longer socialist.”[41] He blamed not just Stalin and not just Lenin, but the suppression of Soviet democracy by the “proletarian dictatorship” the Bolsheviks installed that led to Stalinist bureaucratic rule:

Stalin’s crimes are a logical extension of proletarian dictatorship. Are they not also the product of the power that has accrued since October to the secret police, and a whole series of antidemocratic dictatorships that forbid parties, factions, freedom of thought and of the press, and freedom to strike and vote? [all of which were done under Lenin during the civil war, as emergency measures that became permanent]. … With one Stalin gone, innumerable other Stalins will spring to life in Russia and other countries. In Soviet Russia after October, it was clearly the dictatorship that produced Stalin rather than the other way around.[42]

While Chen defended capitalist democracy it’s clear that he was not defending capitalism or imperialism or capitalist governments per se. He was defending democratic values and the hard-won freedoms and rights that the working classes of the world had won through centuries of struggle within the framework of capitalism and that the fascists and Stalinists were determined to destroy. Losing those would be, as he says, an incalculable setback for humanity and for the global project of democratic socialism.

Were he alive today, I have no doubt that Chen would have passionately supported the Hong Kong democracy struggle, would defend the right of self-determination for the peoples of Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia, would support the Taiwanese against the PRC, and would ally with Western democracies against Putin and against the Chinese Communist Party that he himself founded, wherever and whenever those governments actively support democratic principles and self-determination.

Notes:

[1] Javier C. Hernandez, “In China, spies in classrooms inhibit speech,” New York Times, November 1, 2019; https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/01/world/asia/china-student-informers.html.

[2] Anna Fifield, “In Xi Jinping’s China, a top university can no longer promise freedom of thought,” Washington Post, December 18, 2019, www.washingtonpost. com/world/asia_pacific/in-xi-jinpings-china-a-top-university-can-no-longer- promise-freedom-of-thought/2019/12/18/59f4d21a-215d-11ea-b034-de7dc 2b5199b_story.html.

[3] Amartya Kumar Sen, “Democracy as a universal value,” Journal of Democracy, July 1999, 5.

[4] Zhao Ziwen and Dewey Sim, “China’s ‘two sessions’ 2023: Chinese development ‘shatters’ modern-is-Western myth, Foreign Minister Qin Gang says,” South China Morning Post, March 7, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/diplomacy/article/3212712/chinas-two-sessions-chinese-development-shatters-modern-western-myth-foreign-minister-qin-gang-says.

[5] Li Yuan, “Why China didn’t invent ChatGPT,” New York Times, February 17, 2023.

[6] Jenny Anderson and Amanda Shendruk, “Which countries have the smartest kids?” World Economic Forum, https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2019/12/students-young-people-education/.

[7] October 10, 2020, http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/business/2017-10/20/content_33482423.htm.

[8] Lin Xin, “Chinese scientists’ stem cell experiment raises hopes for effective Parkinson’s disease treatment,” South China Morning Post, February 1, 2023, https://rb.gy/0vx1i; Stephen Chen, “China-led study finds way to reverse a loss in eyesight,” South China Morning Post, https://tinyurl.com/4es4pv6s; Christopher McFadden, “Chinese scientists have managed to create a strong, flexible ceramic,” Interesting Engineering, November 25, 2022, https://interestingengineering.com/science/china-world-first-bendy-ceramics; Stephen Chen, “Chinese breakthrough allows physicists to build the world’s most powerful laser,” South China Morning Post, July 2, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/science/article/3139459/chinese-breakthrough-allows-physicists-build-worlds-most; Hu Zhu, “China’s top 10 breakthroughs in science and technology in 2022, National Science Review, March 6, 2023, https://academic.oup.com/nsr/advance-article/doi/10.1093/nsr/nwad058/7070744. Etcetera. Beijing Tsinghua University physicist Xue Qikun just won the top American prize for his work in physics, hailed as “the first Nobel Prize-level physics experiment conducted by a Chinese lab.” Xue was trained in Japan and taught in the U.S. before returning to China. Ling Xin, “Chinese scientist makes history by winning the US’ top physics prize,” South China Morning Post, October 25, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/science/article/3239125/chinese-scientist-makes-history-winning-us-top-physics-prize.

[9] Sidney Leng, “China must stop fooling itself it is a world leader in science and technology, magazine editor says,” South China Morning Post, June 26, 2018, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/society/article/2152617/china-must-stop-fooling-itself-it-world-leader-science-and.

[10] On Mao’s anti-intellectualism, suppression of independent thinking, and synthesis of Confucianism and Stalinism as the guiding ideology of his reconstructed Communist Party in the 1930s, see my “On contradiction: Mao’s revolution in theory and practice,” part 3, New Politics, July 1, 2022, https://newpol.org/on-contradiction-maos-party-substitutionist-revolution-in-theory-and-practice-part-3/.

[11] Andrew Jacobs, “Rampant fraud threat to China’s brisk ascent,” New York Times, October 6, 2010; Amy Qin, “Fraud scandals sap China’s dream of becoming a science superpower,” New York Times, October 13, 2017; Mini Gu, “The economy of fraud in academic publishing in China, WENR, April 3, 2018, https://wenr.wes.org/2018/04/the-economy-of-fraud-in-academic-publishing-in-china; Anastasia Carrier, “China’s trademark push,” The Wire China, June 20, 2021, https://www.thewirechina.com/2021/06/20/chinas-patent-push/; Alex Berezow, “Is China the world leader in biomedical fraud,” Foreign Policy, February 28, 2018, https://foreignpolicy.com/2018/02/28/is-china-the-world-leader-in-biomedical-fraud/: Lu Jiaxin et al., “China punishes dozens for academic fraud at medical universities, Caixin, January 5, 2023, https://www.caixinglobal.com/2023-01-05/china-punishes-dozens-for-academic-fraud-at-medical-universities-101985776.html; Xu Luyi, “Accusations of mass math plagiarism deal another blow to Chinese academia’s dented reputation,” Caixin, September 2, 2020, https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-09-02/accusations-of-mass-math-plagarism-deal-another-blow-to-chinese-academias-dented-reputation-101600444.html; Matthew Walsh et al., “Chinese professor probed over alleged plagiarism of Hungarian undergrad,” Caixin, April 29, 2020, https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-04-29/academic-journal-retracts-chinese-paper-over-alleged-plagiarism-101548754.html; “Chinese Academy of Science researcher accused of academic plagiarism,” Caixin, July 4, 2020, https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-07-04/chinese-academy-of-science-researcher-accused-of-academic-plagiarism-101575671.html. Etcetera.

[12] Evening Chats in Beijing (New York: Norton 1992), 76 and passim. See also Guo Rui et al., “For China’s intellectuals, restrictions started long before the pandemic and will continue after Covid is over,” South China Morning Post, January 2, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/politics/article/3205309/chinas-intellectuals-restrictions-started-long-pandemic-and-will-continue-after-covid-over; and Yangyang Cheng, “For science, or for the ‘motherland’? The dilemma facing China’s brightest minds,” The China Project, January 30, 2019, https://thechinaproject.com/2019/01/30/for-science-or-the-motherland-chinas-brightest-minds/.

[13] Smith, China’s Engine, 145-46.

[14] “Xi Jinping thought for children,” The Economist, September 2, 2021; Jojie Olsson, “Start of school in China with ‘Xi Jinping’s thinking’ in the curriculum,” Kinamedia, September 1, 2021, https://kinamedia-se.translate.goog/2021/09/01/skolstart-i-kina-med-xi-jinpings-tankande-i-laroplanen/?_x_tr_sl=sv&_x_tr_tl=en&_x_tr_hl=en-US&_x_tr_pto=ajax,elem; Jojje Olsson, “Studies in ‘Xi Jinping’s thoughts’ become compulsory at 37 Chinese universities,” Kinemedia, October 5, 2020, https://kinamedia-se.translate.goog/2020/10/05/studier-i-xi-jinpings-tankar-blir-obligatoriska-vid-37-kinesiska-universitet/?_x_tr_sl=sv&_x_tr_tl=en&_x_tr_hl=en-US&_x_tr_pto=ajax,elem.

[15] Cary Huang, South China Morning Post, October 5, 2024; https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1609734/studies-xi-jinping-thought-or-ideology-grab-lions-share-funding-research.

[16] Guo Rui et al., op cit.

[17] The party’s mindset was perfectly captured in Chen Jo-hsi (Chen Ruoxi)’s all-too-real short story about a kindergartner whose playful utterance that “Chairman Mao is a rotten egg” terrified his parents and destroyed their community. The Execution of Mayor Yin and Other Short Stories from the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1978).

[18] Jue Jiang, “It is especially scary to see students,” ChinaFile, March 13, 2023,  https://www.chinafile.com/reporting-opinion/notes-chinafile/threats-academic-freedom-china; David Cowhig’s blog, “Armed with Marxism, Chinese PhDs strike back,” August 24, 2017, https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2017/08/24/armed-with-marxism-chinese-science-phds-strike-back/.

[19] Rob Schmitz, “In China, the Communist Party latest, unlikely target: young Marxists, NPR, November 21, 2018, https://shorturl.at/bzO28.

[20] Zhuoran Li and Jennifer Lee, “Chinese feminists caught between a rock and the party,” Diplomat, July 15, 2022, https://thediplomat.com/2022/07/chinese-feminists-caught-between-a-rock-and-the-party/. Jinyan Zeng, “China’s feminist five: ‘This is the worst crackdown on lawyers, activists and scholars in decades,’” Guardian, April 17, 2015,  https://www.theguardian.com/lifeandstyle/2015/apr/17/chinas-feminist-five-this-is-the-worst-crackdown-on-lawyers-activists-and-scholars-in-decades.

[21] Smith, “On contradiction,” part 2, op cit.

[22] Tu Youyou, Nobel Prize, https://www.nobelprize.org/womenwhochangedscience/stories/tu-youyou.

[23] In its drive to claim that China leads the world in everything, PRC media brags that since 2018 China has led the world in the numbers of published academic papers. Many if not most are fake, produced by paper mills: Mini Gu, “The economy of fraud in academic publishing in China,” WENR, April 3, 2018, https://wenr.wes.org/2018/04/the-economy-of-fraud-in-academic-publishing-in-china; Eleanor Olcott et al., “China’s fake science industry: how ‘paper mills’ threaten progress,” Financial Times, March 28, 2023. The Party also brags that China produces more patents than any other country. But again, most are false, counterfeit, or useless: Lulu Yilun Chen, “China claims more patents than any country – most are worthless,” Bloomberg, September 28, 2018,  https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-09-26/china-claims-more-patents-than-any-country-most-are-worthless?sref=4KuSK5Q1; Joseph Longo, “A brief analysis of the Chinese property regime,” Michigan State University, 2019, https://a-capp.msu.edu/article/a-brief-analysis-of-the-chinese-intellectual-property-regime/.

[24] The Most Wanted Man In China (New York: Henry Holt, 2016), 65-67, 77

[25] Bringing Down the Great Wall (New York: W.W. Norton, 1990), 157-175.

[26] Yang Zheng, “Chinese scientists are speaking out online. Is anyone listening?” Sixth Tone, November 22, 2022, https://www.sixthtone.com/news/1011634; Helen Gao, “How China’s education system trapped a generation,” Foreign Policy, June 22, 2023, https://foreignpolicy.com/2023/06/22/china-education-system-lying-flat-state-control-xi-jinping/. David Cyranoski, “China is promoting coronavirus treatments based on unproven traditional medicines,” Nature, May 6, 2020, https://www.nature.com/articles/d41586-020-01284-x; Mandy Zuo and Echo Xie, “China’s hi-tech ambitions under threat with scientific literacy inadequate to support innovation-driven economy,” South China Morning Post, https://www.scmp.com/economy/china-economy/article/3234393/chinas-hi-tech-ambitions-under-threat-scientific-literacy-inadequate-support-innovation-driven?module=feature_package_2_2&pgtype=homepage.

[27] Amartya Kumar Sen, “Democracy as a universal value,” Journal of Democracy, July 1999, 10.3, 3-17.

[28] https://www.un.org/en/about-us/universal-declaration-of-human-rights.

[29] Mark C. Eades, “China’s excuses for its human rights record don’t hold water,” U.S. News and World Report, January 17, 2014, https://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2014/01/17/china-has-no-excuse-for-its-poor-human-rights-record; P.C. Chang Wikipedia entry, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/P._C._Chang.

[30] Sen, op cit. 3-4.

[31] Ibid., 4-5.

[32] Ibid. 5.

[33] Wei Jinsheng, The Courage to Stand Alone (New York: Viking 1997), 207-210.

[34] Wei was first imprisoned from 1979-1993. Unrepentant after his release, he continued his dissident activities speaking to foreign journalists and so the government locked him up again from 1994-1997, then deported him to the U.S. at the behest of President Clinton.

[35] Chen expounds his views on fascism, Stalinism, and the Soviet Union under Stalin in his last articles and letters, translated with illuminating commentary by Gregor Benton, Prophets Unarmed (Chicago: Haymarket, 2015), 697-794.

[36] Ibid, 734.

[37] Ibid, 734.

[38] Ibid, 725-26.

[39] Ibid, 740.

[40] Ibid, 723.

[41] Ibid, 723.

[42] Ibid, 734: On the suppression of soviet democracy, see Sam Farber, Before Stalin (Oxford: Polity Press, 1990).

 

Could the U.S. Become Involved in a War Between Venezuela and Guyana?

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President Irfaan Ali of Guyana declared, “Essequibo is ours, every square inch of it,” and sent troops to reinforce the country’s border with Venezuela. Brazil, which is a neighbor of both countries has also sent armed forces to the area. Brazilian President Luiz Inacio “Lula” da Silva expressed his concern about the situation, saying, “We are going to treat it very carefully because what we don’t want here in South America is war.” St. Vincent and Grenadines president Ralph Gonsalvez and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres have persuaded Maduro and Ali to meet to discuss the issue, but Ali says he will not discuss the country’s borders and Maduro reiterates his claim to Esequibo.

Why is Maduro claiming Esequibo at this time?

Maduro, a virtual dictator, faces an election in 2024, and it is not clear that he could win a free and fair election. The country is racked by economic crisis, hampered by U.S. sanctions, and is experiencing mass emigration. Out of a population of 30 million in 2015, 7.7 million Venezuelans have migrated, principally to other South American countries, though almost a quarter of a million to the United States.

In the last election in 2018, Maduro won only after most opposition parties and candidates were declared ineligible, in a process riddled with irregularities, and with relatively few voters going to the polls. In 2019, conservative challenger Juan Guidó claimed to be interim president and was recognized by over 60 countries, including the United States, throwing the country into a years-long crisis, though Guidó failed to take power.

In the coming election, Maduro will face Maria Corina Machado, an economic conservative and member of the opposition party in the Venezuelan National Assembly. She won in the opposition’s unofficial primary election, in which, remarkably, 2.4 million people participated. Machado has already been disqualified from holding public office because of her support for U.S. sanctions. The U.S. government says sanctions won’t be lifted unless the opposition parties can participate in the elections.

Claiming Esequibo allows Maduro to offer the promise of economic improvement. A war would provide him with a chance to wrap himself in the flag, declare a national emergency, and postpone the elections. But he may find himself in a war not only with Guyana but perhaps also with the United States.

The U.S. Southern Command which oversees Central America, South America, and the Caribbean, is already conducting joint flight operations with the Guyana Defense Forces. Secretary of State Antony Blinken told President Ali that he could count on Washington’s support “for Guyana’s sovereignty and our robust security and economic cooperation.” Maduro has criticized Guyana for involving the United States.

Since the election of the leftist government of President Hugo Chávez in 1999, the United States has opposed Venezuela. In 2006, President George W. Bush imposed sanctions on Venezuela for its failure to cooperate in counter-terrorism and anti-drug efforts. President Barack Obama imposed further sanctions in 2014 because of Venezuelan human rights violations. The Donald Trump administration expanded the sanctions, though President Joseph Biden has subsequently moderated them, permitting the sale of oil. The U.S. recognition of Guidó as interim president was an attempt to overthrow Chavez’s successor Maduro.

Already involved in supporting Ukraine and Israel, the Biden administration would no doubt like to avoid another war. Since the discovery of enormous off-shore oil fields in Guyana, American and other foreign petroleum companies, such as Esso Exploration & Production Guyana, a descendant of ExxonMobil and Standard Oil, already have operations in Esequibo, and the oil companies have always played a large role in U.S. foreign policy.

War? Not yet. But the left must be watching, prepared to oppose U.S. involvement.

This article was originally published in Foreign Policy in Focus.

 

 

Cornel West for President? – Part 6 – Jesse Jackson for President – 1984 and 1988

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Cornel West, candidate for president.

Cornel West announced in early June that he was running for president of the United States as the candidate for the People’s Party and then as aspiring to be candidate of the Green Party. Now he’s  running as an independent.

This series of articles explores the experience of Black political candidates for the nation’s highest offices.. In Part 1 of this article, we looked at the reaction of the left to West’s candidacy. In Part 2  we turn to look at the experience of four Black presidential candidates in 1968. In Part 3 we examined the campaign of Shirley Chisholm in 1972. In Part 4 of the series we recalled the experience of Angela Davis, twice candidate for vice-president. In Part 5 we looked at the experience of Clifton Berry in 1964. In this article we look at Rev. Jesse Jackson’s two campaigns in 1984 and 1988.

Jesse Jackson for President 1984 and 1988

Rev. Jesse Jackson was the most significant Black leftist political candidate of the twentieth century, running for president in 1984 and 1988, coming in third and second in the Democratic primaries in his first and second campaigns respectively. Though in places his campaign took on the character of a movement, nevertheless he not only failed to win election, but also failed to convince Democratic Party to adopt his progressive program. While many Black voters and others admired and took pride in his achievement, some on the left felt he had ultimately served the Democratic Party establishment.

Jesse Jackson was born in Greenville, South Carolina to 16-year-old Helen Burns; his father was her neighbor, Noah Louis Robinson. Jackson was tormented by the stigma of his illegitimate birth. “When I was in my mother’s belly, no father to give me a last name, they called me a bastard and rejected me.” (Marshall Frady, Jesse: The Life and Pilgrimage of Jesse Jackson New York: Random House, 1996), p. 78.) Reading his biography, one has the sense that this initial stigmatization and rejections remained at this center of his psyche and that in reaction to that sense of rejection it provided him with his driving ambition.

A year later, his mother married Charles Henry Jackson, a maintenance worker who adopted Jesse and gave the boy his last name though over the years he largely neglected him. Jesse Jackson grew up in a poor black community, protected as he said by “the triangle,” of which the first corner his mother and grandmother, the second his school teachers, and the third the church. (Fraday, Jesse, p. 101.) Mother, preacher, and teacher all demanded that the young Jesse prove himself, that, as he might have said later, he “be somebody.” As one biographer writes, “In fact, the strenuous discipline in which he was raised left him forever after obsessed with the traditional rectitudes of grit, puck, industry, pertinacity—these staunch verities that, as he saw it, provide his deliverance from the claim of the futility of and the abjectness of the communing enclosing him.” Those tenets and what he himself calls his “conservative Christian orientation” provided Jackson his moral compass. (Frady, Jesse, p. 106.)

Even as a youth others recognized his perceptiveness, his “flair of phrase” and his “ambitiousness.” Others told him that he was special. When he was a teenager he told his biological father that he had had a dream. “I dreamed I was a preacher, leading the people through the rivers of the waters.” As a leader of the church youth group he frequently spoke in church. “Church was my laboratory where I could develop and practice my speaking powers with more and more confidence.” When he was 15, he told a friend, “I want to be a minister.” (Fraday, Jesse, pp. 111-16.)

Jackson attended Sterling High School, segregated like all southern schools at the time, where he was elected class president, earned letters in football, basketball, and baseball, and in 1959 finished tenth in his class. As a high school student, following the victory of the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott led by Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr, Jackson made the daring and risky move of sitting in the front of the bus in Greenville. Home from college, in 1960 he and half a dozen other students engaged in a small sit-in protest to desegregate the Greenville public library, his first civil rights activism, but when his step-father objected to his getting arrested, he left the growing movement.

Like many Blacks, Jackson hoped to escape the South’s stifling racism by going north. A talented quarterback in high school, he turned down the offer of a minor league football contract and accepted a football scholarship to the University of Illinois at Urbana in 1959, proud to be at a Big Ten school. There, however, he had no chance of becoming a quarterback, a position reserved for white athletes. And he was warned “not to socialize” with the white coeds. Though he had left the South, he had not escaped America’s pervasive racism. On campus he was part of “an isolated minority” and fell into depression. He later said his experience at the U of I “came close to breaking my spirit.” (Fraday, Jesse, pp. 138-40.)

Into the Civil Rights Movement

So, after several unhappy months at the U of I, Jackson left. He now enrolled at the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College, a mostly black school in Greensboro. It was there that he met Jacqueline Lavinia Brown, courted her, and when she became pregnant married her. He and his wife began their family and he focused on his studies, and though the civil rights movement was burgeoning all around him, he kept his distance. Still he found time to attend the March on Washington in March, 1963.

Then one day that same year, urged by mentors and friends to join the movement, he gave his first speech to a rally of about 100 students preparing to take action. Jackson rose and spoke: “History is upon us. This generation’s judgment is upon us. Demonstrations without limitation! Jail without bail! Let’s go forward!” And the group moved out. At that moment Jackson found his voice, demonstrated his charisma, and took up his calling. (Fraday, Jesse, p. 173.) He organized more protests and a warrant was issued for his arrest and he was jailed, taking advantage of the situation to write a “Letter from a Greensboro Jail” in imitation of Martin Luther King’s famous missive. Thousands of people marched through Greensboro demanding his release, giving proof that the movement would support him and lift him up and as a result, he went free.

After graduating with a degree in sociology from North Carolina A & T, Jackson received a scholarship to attend Chicago Theological Seminary and moved his family to the Windy City. He got a job organizing for the Coordinating Council of Community Organizations (CCCC), a local civil rights group. In 1965 he joined the march from Selma to Montgomery, Alabama and his drive and organizational ability caught the attention of King and other SCLC leaders. He asked to speak to King and urged him to take his movement north to Chicago. A month later King brought Jackson on to the SCLC staff, at 24 years of age the youngest of King’s aides. Jackson was put in charge of SCLC’s economic campaign called Operation Breadbasket, organizing mass boycotts of white companies to pressure them to hire Black workers and buy from Black-owned businesses.

Jackson came on board just as King was preparing to transform his civil rights campaign in the South into a national movement. So he succeeded in getting King to come to Chicago where King led a march into the suburb of Cicero and was met by hate filled demonstrators who left him shaken. A “Summit” with Mayor Daley produced a document full of hollow promises. “Most Black Chicagoans regard it as a sell-out.” The SCLC leadership was aware that they had failed to meet their goals. (David Levering Lewis, King: A Biography, Urbana: University of Illinois, 1970, p. 351.)

Just three courses short of earning his master’s degree, he left to throw himself into the civil rights movement. He soon began working with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. participated in the famous civil rights marches in Selma, Alabama, and  worked in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference that King had founded. In 1966, King made Jackson head of the Chicago branch of Operation Breadbasket, an organization led by Black ministers and businessmen to economically improve Black people’s lives . In that capacity, Jackson organized a “selective patronage” campaign to reward stores that hired Black people and boycot those that didn’t. When Operation Breadbasket became a national organization in 1967, King made Jackson the national director. Under Jackson’s leadership, some 40 companies were pressured to hire several thousand Black workers.

However, Jackson’s political style and personal ambition brought him into conflict with Rev. Ralph Abernathy, who had become head of SCLC after King’s 1968 assassination. Jackson then created his own organization, Operation PUSH: People United to Save Humanity. Jackson’s break from SCLC and establishment of PUSH coincided with the migration of the civil rights struggle from the South, where it had fought de jure (legal) segregation, to the North, where Black people confronted systemic de facto segregation in all areas of life. Northern society and urban politics differed fundamentally from the South and required different political analyses, strategies, and rhetoric.

King’s anti-Vietnam War position and his failure in Chicago left him more criticized and more isolated, nevertheless he turned toward the organization of the Poor People’s Campaign, seeking alliances with other minority groups like Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Native Americans and Asian Americans in order to change the country’s economic agenda. The goal was to bring economic justice to working class and poor Americans by improving their employment and housing.

In March of 1968, a strike by 1,300 black garbage workers in Memphis, Tennessee came to King’s attention and he decided to go there and stand in solidarity with them. The Memphis workers’ strike was a way both to continue the civil rights movement in the Southin which he had been involved for almost 15 years and to take up the issue of economic inequality which was his new cause. The strikers won signs reading, “I am a man,” conveying their demand for fair treatment, respect, and equality. King spoke inspiring words to the strikers expressing his confidence in the justice of their fight. Jackson, part of King’s inner circle, went back to the motel with him, and there on the balcony on April 4, 1968 King was assassinated.

Operation PUSH

Back in Chicago immediately after King’s murder,  Jesse was a guest on the Today Show, where he was asked about the assassination. The highly emotional Jackson said, “I come with a heavy heart because on my chest is the stain of blood from Dr. King’s head…He went through literally, a crucifixion. I was there. And I will be there at the resurrection.” Jackson’s presence at King’s assassination allowed him to claim legacy. King was dead, Jackson would continue his work.

Jackson would work from his base in Operation PUSH, which he now called a “Rainbow Coalition,” a term meaning unification of Blacks with Latinos, Native Americans, Asians, and progressive whites. Jackson appropriated and gave different content to that term coined by Fred Hampton, leader of the Black Panthers in Chicago, who had been assassinated by police in 1969; while the Panthers had preached revolution, Jackson advocated Black capitalism and political reform.

To finance PUSH, Jackson raised money from a variety of Black politicians, business people, and artists, among them  Manhattan Borough President Percy Sutton; Gary, Indiana Mayor Richard Hatcher; singer Aretha Franklin; football star Jim Brown; and actor Ossie Davis. Black community leader, physician, and businessman T.R.M. Howard, a major figure in the fight for civil rights in the South, served on the PUSH board and headed its finance committee. PUSH ran a variety of educational programs, pressured Anheuser Busch (Budweiser, etc.) and Coca Cola to institute affirmative action, and produced radio broadcasts about Black issues. PUSH also established ties with such important Democratic Party leaders as President Jimmy Carter, to Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare Joseph Califano, and Secretary of Labor Ray Marshall.

Operation Breadbasket and Operation PUSH gave Jackson a strong base in Chicago’s enormous black population, which reached a peak of 1,187,905 in 1980. And PUSH’s national campaigns gave it a reputation of fighting for justice among 26.5 million Black people, who then made up 11.7 percent of the total U.S. population. Jackson had networks of Black supporters among political, business, sports, and arts elites. And in a community in which Protestant ministers had historically played the role of spokesmen, he was himself a Black Baptist preacher. Driven by ambition and well aware of these assets, Jackson decided to run for president in 1984. Linked as he was to Chicago’s Black bourgeoisie and to the Democratic Party, it would be hard to deny that he was a capitalist candidate for president. Yet he was also a populist with a large Black proletarian following. A master politician, he was able to juggle the two roles. While he was based in Chicago, he was the most prominent spokesperson for Black people at the twentieth century.

Jackson’s social and political platform as a Black leader was in the tradition of FDR’s New Deal and LBJ’s Great Society, combining calls for economic programs for the working class and the poor with demands for civil rights. But nothing in it challenged the fundamentals of capitalistism itself. Jackson was an ardent advocate of social reform, but certainly no revolutionary. In any case, continuing his work through the next decade and a half, he decided to enter electoral politics.

Jackson for President

Jackson’s decision to run for president in 1984 was an expression of what Bill Fletcher, Jr. has called a “Black political insurgency in the late 1970s, early 1980s” that included the 1983 mayoral campaigns of of Mel King in Boston in andof  Harold Washington in Chicago. , both of which found supporters among progressives on the far left, particularly among tthe Maoists.

Jackson’s 1984 campaign had many of the characteristics of both a social movement and a protest campaign. His activist campaign linked his presidential bid to the struggles of Blacks and Latinos, poor communities, labor unions, and workers. In sharp contrast to other r earlier  Black presidential  candidate s, his vote totals  were impressive:  3,282,431, or 18.2 percent of the primary votes. He won five primaries and caucuses: Louisiana, the District of Columbia, South Carolina, Virginia, and one of two separate contests in Mississippi making him the first African-American candidate to win any major-party state primary or caucus.

Writing at the time, Prof. Cornel West, who is running for president in the 2024 race, praised Jackson’s campaign, but criticized both the white and Black left . Of the Black movement, West wrote,

First, Jackson’s charismatic style of leadership accentuates spontaneous and enthusiastic attraction at the expense of constructing enduring infrastructures. Second, Jackson’s most loyal constituency—the black community and especially the black churches–presently seems to lack the patience, resources and ideological wherewithal to engage in prolonged political organization. And lastly, black—and to certain extent Jackson’s—allegiance to the Democratic Party diffuses energies which could be direct toward alternative political mobilization.[i]

Unfortunately,  this critique was – and remained – accurate.

Of the white left, West said, “the American left continues to hold black radicalism at arm’s length.”[ii] But this was not completely true. Though not many, some white liberals and progressives rallied to Jackson’s 1984 campaign , and more did so in 1988. For example, Bernie Sanders, Mayor of Burlington, Vermont, backed Jackson, saying he believed that he could win white working class votes. Of left organizations the Communist Party, in a demonstration of political triplicity, worked in the 1988 Jackson and Mondale campaign, even while running its own Hall-Davis campaign. Most involved were the    Maoists who had become the dominant trned of the far left of the 1970s (as even their opponents recognized), but who were discarding revolutionary politics for electoral populism.

The Maoist movement had gone into crisis not long before Jackson’s campaign. A group of talented organizers in the Revolutionary Communist Party left in 1977 to found the Revolutionary Workers Headquarters, while the Comment Party Marxist-Leninist (previously the October League) dissolved in 1980. The League of Revolutionary Struggles (LRS), founded in 1978, similarly dissolved in 1990. The Maoists, those still in organized groups and those now without a party, threw themselves into both Jackson campaigns, particularly in 1988.

Bill Fletcher, who came out of that milieu, viewed the 1988 campaign very favorably: “The campaign sought out the sectors of society that were ignored, that were marginalized, reaching out to white famers in the Midwest…reaching out to the workers that were on strike, that were being crushed, speaking to them.” He argues that the 1988 Jackson campaign:

…brought together a very broad segment of left and progressive forces, many of whom had not been able to work on anything for years, but suddenly realized that they shared something in common. That was what was unique. People on the left made a decision that this campaign was strategically critical; [and they] got into the campaign, dug in deep, and started building, building labor constituencies, building farmers [groups]….This was the work of people on the left and I think it was exceptional.

Jackson found support not only from Blacks, but also from Puerto Ricans, Mexican Americans, and Native Americans. He crisscrossed the country, speaking in Black, Latino, and white working-class communities. He showed up at union picket lines and marched with immigrants. He seemed to be everywhere demanding change.

Jackson did exceptionally well in 1988 more than doubling his votes in the 1984 campaign. He received 6.9 million votes and won 11 contests: seven primaries (Alabama, the District of Columbia, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Puerto Rico and Virginia) and four caucuses (Delaware, Michigan, South Carolina, and Vermont): he won 29.7 percent of the vote compared to the 70 percent for Governor Michael Dukakis of Massachusetts.

The Afteermath

The leftists who had supported him believed that his campaign had laid the basis for an ongoing movement. And perhaps it might have, but Jackson wasn’t interested. As Fletcher says,

After the November election there was a great debate that took place in Rainbow circles and the question was: What happens to the Rainbow?. There were many promises about how the organization would be built. We were told that it would be a mass, democratic organization that we would be building around the country, that would basically take the approach of working inside and outside the Democratic Party. That was thrilling.

There was an element within Jackson’s constituency that started to make the argument that the Rainbow’s future was to be determined by Jackson. Not to be determined by the thousands of people who had dedicated themselves to his campaign. When you’re dealing with a charismatic figure, it is very hard to rein them in.

Jackson misanalysed that moment at that juncture and thought that a permanent Jackson wing of the Democratic Party had emerged as a result of the 1988 campaign. And it hadn’t. In March of 1989 there was a meeting of the executive board of the Rainbow. To the surprise of many people, myself included, Jackson came forward with a plan to reorganize the Rainbow into what was a personal or a personalist organization.

I don’t think that we recovered. Things didn’t play out as we hoped, but it was pathbreaking, in terms of the issues that were brought to the surface, not like anything that had arisen perhaps since the 1940s. Despite any weaknesses on Jackson’s part as an individual, he has to be credited with understanding the moment up until late 88, and that’s when the songs of the sirens misdirected him.

Jackson persisted. The Rainbow disappeared.

With his base in Operation PUSH in Chicago and his relationships with Black business people, corporations, and the Democratic Party, Jackson remains a prominent Black political figure. He has never deviated from his commitment to social reform—but within the limits of the Democratic Party and Black capitalism. He is reputed to have a personal wealth of $9 million. In 1996 he established the Wall Street Fund to support “minority vendors,” that is Black business, though in 1999 praised Donald J. Trump. He remains today both a major African American leader and a contradictory figure.

Conclusion

As we have seen, when Black candidates have run on third-party presidential or vice-presidential tickets—whether Communist, Socialist, or Peace & Freedom—they received few votes and seldom contributed to building the social movement or changing American society. But when they ran in the Democratic Party, as Chisholm and Jackson did, they could receive significant numbers of votes, and in the latter’s case, even create around the electoral campaign the feel of a movement, but because hey remained tied to the Democratic Party,, it absorbed the candidates and their supporters but gave little in return.

Throughout the 1990s and 2000s there were many Black candidates for president running on the ballot lines of small leftist parties or as independents, but tnone were significant figures, heir social impact was insignificant and they received only a small number of votes. They hardly warrant our attention. So we turn in the next section to look at the Black presidential candidate, who also ran as a candidate of the left and won, and then governed as a neoliberal: Barack Obama.

Thanks to Michael Letwin for his comment on an earlier version of this article.

Notes:

[i] Cornel West “Reconstructing the American Left: The Challenge of Jesse Jackson,” Social Text , Winter, 1984-1985, No. 11 (Winter, 1984-1985), pp. 3-19

[ii] Ibid.

 

On Martyrdom

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[This article is one of several articles on Palestine-Israel that will be appearing in our Winter 2024 issue.]

It is October 8, 2023. I am at a protest at Duwar al Manara, a roundabout in the center of Ramallah, with hundreds of others, young and old. The city, usually lively and bustling at all hours of the day, is closed today, mourning for the already hundreds of Palestinians killed in just twenty four hours. A young man sitting on someone’s shoulders yells, his voice cracking:

ya im al shaheed neyalik, ya reit imee badalik.”—“Oh mother of the martyr, how lucky you are. If only my mother were in your place.”

He yells it again and again. My eyes fill with tears as other young people in the crowd repeat the chant, shouting from the pits of their stomachs. My body heats up, flushed with grief, pride, and overwhelming love.

Since that day, I have heard this chant every day at Duwar al Manara, and it shakes up something inside of me every time. All these beautiful Palestinians, each one’s existence itself a miracle, yearning for martyrdom. It feels like a tragedy, and it is. But it is also a reflection of the indomitable spirit that has kept our people alive.

Martyr, or shaheed, literally translated, means “witness.” And the act of martyrdom, istish-had, means “to witness.” Martyrs are witnesses to the injustices by which they were killed, and in turn, their communities bear witness to their deaths. It is a title of honor used all across the Arab world to describe a person murdered in a struggle for freedom and justice. This honor is not reserved solely for those who take up arms in this struggle, but anyone whose death is caused by an oppressor, including journalists, teachers, medics, and children.

One of the most common beliefs amongst Zionists about Palestinians, employed to dehumanize us and blame us for our own oppression, is that we do not value our own lives or the lives of our children. Israeli officials and Zionists repeat ad nauseam the claim that Palestinian militants use children as human shields. A quick google search of “Palestinian human shield” reveals countless examples, including a video published by the IDF in May 2018, during the Great March of Return. The video plays a lullaby with the sound of gunfire and the words “where are the children of Gaza today?” After showing children amongst the protestors at the border fence, it then repeatedly displays the word “here” in all caps across the screen. Golda Meir, former prime minister of Israel, is famously known for saying that peace will only come “when [Palestinians] love their children more than they hate us.” This quote has made its rounds again in the last two months as the Israeli propaganda machine works tirelessly to manufacture global consent for this current iteration of Palestinian genocide.

Every few feet in the West Bank you will find a poster, mural, or monument dedicated to a shaheed. At the funeral of a martyr, when their body is brought out of their home—wrapped in white cloth and a Palestinian flag—the women in their family will zaghrit through their tears, an ululation of celebration usually reserved for weddings, graduations, births. The bodies of martyrs, unlike those of other deceased people, are not washed in preparation for their burial. Instead, they are kept as they are, in their clothes and their blood. This state is considered to be the purest by virtue of their martyrdom.

When Bassel Al-Araj, beloved Palestinian intellectual and activist, was murdered by the occupation forces, his father was asked to identify him through a photo of his dead, brutalized body. Upon seeing the photo, he exclaimed, “yes that is Bassel. May Allah bless you, my boy, I’ve never seen you look more handsome.”

More than just honoring martyrs, Palestinians celebrate martyrdom. But that is not because we don’t love life; in fact, it is because we love life enough to fight for our right to a dignified one.

To see our extraordinary love of life, you only have to see the youth of Akka diving from atop the city’s ancient walls into the Mediterranean Sea, or families gathered after prayer on the large steps of Damascus Gate in the Old City, cracking nuts and laughing in the cool evening breeze. You only have to see my family sitting around a tabla under our Jerusalem grape vines, singing Abdel Halim Hafiz in unison. You only have to see my grandma, older than the state of Israel, dancing her dance with her hand on her hip, forgetting all her aches and pains. Or attend a Mohammad Assaf concert—as I did on October 6th—and see the old and the young singing and dancing, sweat dripping down their faces as they dance dabka hand in hand.

But under military occupation, families cannot sit on the steps of Damascus Gate, the area now surrounded by military outposts staffed by 18-year-olds with baby fuzz on their lips and M16s in their arms. In fact, since 1980, most Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza are not allowed to travel to Jerusalem at all. And most Palestinians won’t ever jump off the sea walls of Akka, because they will never make it to the Mediterranean Sea. Most Palestinians, trapped by an apartheid wall and checkpoints, will never visit the ocean. My family, whose home is now surrounded by settlers, no longer sits outside under our grape vines. Our yard, where my mother grew up, was once a haven from which you could see much of East Jerusalem. That view is now covered by straw matting installed to protect us from settler attacks and intimidation.

Palestinians love life so much that we are not willing to live it like this. We are not willing to live under indefinite military occupation, under siege, in Bantustans, deprived of our natural resources and of our dignity, under violent rule and a puppet government that hands over its dissenting youth to the occupier.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

And more than loving life—we love each other. Anyone who has been to Palestine knows this. I am a child of Palestinian parents in exile and grew up in Brooklyn. After being unable to travel to my homeland for five years, my partner and I quit our jobs to fulfill a longstanding dream of mine: to live in Palestine for the maximum number of days Israel permits me to be here: ninety. When I (somewhat recklessly) hit another car in my first week, the driver and passenger of that car immediately ran to my grandmother in my passenger seat to make sure she was okay. Although the accident was absolutely my fault, they calmed me down and praised God for everyone’s safety, especially my grandmother’s, who they also called “grandmother.” The driver assured me that I would not have to pay a shekel for the repairs. He was driving his employer’s vehicle and he would take responsibility so that his employer—a large egg distribution company—would cover all of the costs. I was, after all, “bint el balad”—daughter of the country.

After we dropped the car off at a garage to be repaired, he drove my grandmother and me home, gifting us four dozen eggs. I was anxious for days while the car was being repaired, unable to imagine that there was not some sort of catch to this man’s inexplicable kindness. There was not, and I was ashamed at the American individualism that let me doubt him.

Last week, I saw someone fall while riding a motorized scooter, and twenty people rushed to be at his side, lift him up, give him a drink of water, check on his scooter, and help him get home safely. Being in Palestine for the first time, my partner could not comprehend the kindnesses she received. She comes from an Indian family and thought she knew the heights of hospitality and generosity. Palestinians, she said, blew all the other Brown cultures out of the water. Within days, every shopkeeper in Ramallah was committed to teaching her Arabic. They fed her free falafel and waited patiently as she slowly formulated each sentence, gently correcting her mistakes (of which there were many).

Ma ikhlaqnash in’eesh bil thul, ikhliqna in’eesh b-hureeya.” Palestinians remind the world at every turn that: “We were not created to live in degradation, we were created to live in freedom.” We were created to live in freedom, and yet, none of us have ever known freedom on our land.

During the First World War, the British asked for the Arabs’ assistance in overthrowing the Ottomans, who had controlled the region for the last twenty generations. In exchange, they promised independence in the form of nation states—a modern artifact imposed on former colonies after the demise of imperial rule. Although most Arabs were in fact granted this independence, the British promised Palestine to European Zionists for the creation of a “national home for the Jewish people.” Following three decades of colonial rule under the British Mandate, Palestinians lived under Israeli and Jordanian rule until 1967, and since then were entirely subject to settler-colonization by the state of Israel.

Since 1920, the strategies employed by the British and Israelis to repress Palestinian demands for self-determination have been disturbingly similar. The first organized iteration of Palestinian resistance to the settler-colonial project came in the form of a 6-month strike against the British in 1936, one of the longest in colonial history, in protest of British support for the Zionist state.[1] That strike brought Palestinians nowhere closer to their goal of self-determination, despite lip service by the British to the contrary. Eventually, Palestinians took up more militant resistance in what is known as the “Great Revolt of 1936-39.”[2] Thousands of Palestinians suspected of having participated were arrested and subjected to military tribunals. The homes of those believed to be involved, and the homes of their families, were demolished. Hundreds were executed and thousands were indefinitely detained without charge. Movement leaders were deported or detained outside of Palestine in what the British themselves called “concentration camps.” By 1939, ten percent of the adult male population had been killed, injured, deported, imprisoned, or exiled.[3] Each of these tactics is used regularly by Israel today, most frequently in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem.

In the face of such imperial violence, martyrdom has been an inevitability of Palestinian life for most of the last century.

Four days before that first protest at Duwar al Manara, I am walking back from my music class and see a little boy trailing behind his mama carrying a pack of new toy trucks. He trips and falls, dropping his toys. He cries loudly and a young man and I help him up. A third person collects his toy trucks and hands them to him. “Baseeta, baseeta” I tell him, as I rub his back, which translates literally to, “it’s simple, it’s simple” or more accurately, “It’s okay, you’re okay.” An older man standing nearby hears me and adds, “ah, baseeta wallah—oh people of Palestine how many beatings you will endure.” That’s the thing—there is almost no set of circumstances that protect a Palestinian from a beating at the hands of his oppressor. We are killed walking to school, providing emergency medical care to protestors, while harvesting our olives, and when we are reporting in our press gear. We are beaten in our coffins and our dead bodies are regularly detained. So perhaps, as my friend Ghazi told me, “Either you go to them, or they will come to you.”

So much of life as a Palestinian is defined by a loss of agency, calculated to destroy our spirits. There is almost no part of Palestinian life that is untouched by arbitrary and seemingly random acts of Israeli control and violence. One morning, Israel might set up a new military checkpoint with absolutely no warning, and prevent thousands of people from getting to work, school, doctors’ appointments. It can use an air strike to blow up a mosque in a refugee camp in the West Bank. It can break into our homes in the middle of the night, pull us out of our beds, blindfold us, beat us and detain us indefinitely without charge or any semblance of due process. It can record this torture and post it on social media. It can shoot and kill a young girl looking for her cat on the roof of her home. It can detain and torture children in solitary confinement and prevent their families or lawyers from contacting them. Settlers can burn our ancient olive trees and light our homes afire under the protection of the military. These settlers can shoot and kill four Palestinians at once, and then at the funeral procession, in broad daylight, kill two more—a father and son.

Israel can do almost anything, with impunity. So martyrdom and the celebration of martyrdom is about claiming agency. It is about reframing the losses of our people, of our bodies, as victory. Because even if we have nothing else, we have our resistance.

Martyrs are proof that we are still fighting, that we have not given the colonizer what it wants most, second only to our complete decimation: our docility. When we recognize and celebrate martyrs, we are celebrating the fact that we have not given up, nearly one hundred years later.

As a Palestinian in the diaspora, I am wary of romanticizing the struggle of Palestinians living every day of their lives under Israel’s boot. So I asked the following question to a few of my friends, 15-year old Tamer who leads the daily protests in Ramallah, and shopkeepers in my neighborhood who have become good friends: “Why is martyrdom such an honor for Palestinians?” Each of the people who answered this question said that resistance is a natural response in the face of occupation and land theft. It is the only option for people who live under systematic humiliation and degradation. “Of course we love life, everyone loves life—but they steal life from us,” Tamer told me.

 

While Western media portrays Palestinian resistance fighters as antisemites or religious fanatics, history tells us that armed resistance has been employed by people of all faiths, and people of no faith. My friend Kifah, whose very name means struggle, sees Palestinian armed resistance as a continuation of the struggle against imperialism by the Cubans, the Irish, the South Africans. He says Palestinians “learned and saw what gets you freedom, what language the enemy understands—which is violence unfortunately—so it’s forced on us.” Somberly, he says, “we were born in Palestine and this was our destiny.”

In Gaza now, civil service workers like medics and rescue teams are unable to meet the overwhelming need for support. Most of the rescuing of people under the rubble is done by civilians, the majority of whom have also lost family members and friends, have been displaced, are hungry and thirsty, and in fear for their own lives. Yet they run to the scene of a bombed tower, dig through the rubble, carry bleeding children, men, and women in their arms and on their backs. In disbelief, they take turns kissing and rubbing the heads of the babies who are pulled out alive from under tons of concrete. With bare hands, they dig mass graves for entire families. And then they pray over them, and cry with those who knew them. Young people in overcrowded shelters play games with the children, sing and dance with them. Journalists allow these traumatized children to play with their cameras for a few minutes, to give them something to think about besides the terror they are enduring, to trick them into smiling for just a moment. Men and women in hospitals cradle babies whose parents are missing—dead perhaps—and hold them for as long as they need to be held. Doctors refuse to evacuate hospitals, despite threats that theirs will be next, refusing to abandon their patients. Instead, they sing. They tell the world, “We will stay here until the pain is over. We will live here and we will keep singing.”

So, we celebrate martyrdom because it is the ultimate manifestation of a love of life and a love of people, a love of the collective, and a refusal to accept anything less than a life of dignity. Palestinians celebrate martyrdom, not for the sake of dying, but because it is proof that we are still living. We long for a world where martyrdom is not necessary, not inevitable. Until then, as the saying goes, martyrs lay down and put their bodies as a bridge, so that others can cross.

[1] Rashid Khalidi, The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonial Conquest and Resisting (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2020), 42.

[2] Id., at 42.

[3] Id., at 44.

Obstacles to Palestinian-Israeli Peace

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If Al-Qaeda and ISIS were the indirect products of the policies of US imperialism, Hamas is a direct product of Israel. A glimpse into the painful history of 75 years of conflicts and confrontations between Israel and Palestinians helps one better understand the latest Hamas/Israeli fighting that started on October 7, 2023.

The origins of the Palestinian movement

Prior to the establishment of the state of Israel, Palestinians were overpowered from two sides: the British, and militant Zionist groups. Following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, about 700 thousand Palestinians were displaced and sought refuge in the West Bank and Gaza, and in neighboring countries. They formed several organizations in exile, most notably the Arab National Movement (ANM) in 1951, emphasizing Arab unity, secularism, socialism and later Marxism. Influenced by the Baathist and later Nasserist Arab nationalisms, ANM went through several phases and splits, eventually focusing solely on Palestine, establishing the National Front for the Liberation of Palestine (NFLP). Internal strife led to more splits, including the creation of the Popular Front (PFLP) led by George Habash, and the Democratic Front (PDFLP) led by Nayef Hawatimah. These organizations and their subsequent offshoots, as well as Fatah, formed by Yasser Arafat in 1959, and eventually the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1965, were largely secular, nationalist, and some socialist and Marxist, though of course they also had religious elements among them.

Early Palestinian organizations were weakened for reasons other than their conflicts with Israel. Initially, they came under the influence of Baathist nationalism which led to splits and rivalries in the Syrian and Iraqi sectors. Then, with the growing influence of Gamal Abdel Nasser, especially after his so-called victory in the Suez War of 1956, they were largely influenced and controlled by Nasserism. Many received military training in Egypt, but up until the 1967 June war, while Nasser was preparing his army for war with Israel, he prevented the Palestinian combatants from engaging with the Israeli army before the Egyptian army was fully prepared. Following the defeat of the Arab armies, the Palestinian movement, followed in the footsteps of the Algerian liberation movement, and to some extent their Yemeni counterpart, and tried to act independently.

Following the humiliating defeat of Arab armies in 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank/East Jerusalem, Gaza, Sinai, and the Golan Heights, Israel’s main preoccupation was curtailing Palestinian guerrilla attacks and incursions on Israel’s new frontiers. The war led to some three hundred thousand new refugees fleeing to neighboring countries. In 1970, King Hussein of Jordan, frustrated with the increased activities and interventions of Palestinian organizations in Jordanian affairs, carried out a large-scale massacre and forced many to seek refuge in Syria and Lebanon. The PLO headquarters moved to Lebanon. In 1972, the ultra-militant Black September group that had emerged from the conflicts between Jordan and the PLO took Israeli athletes hostage during the Munich Olympics, leading to the deaths of all the hostages and the hostage takers.

By the early 1970s, parts of the Palestinian movement including Fatah, which through its armed wing Al-Asifa had organized the first guerrilla attacks inside Israel in 1964, had reached the conclusion that the military defeat of Israel was not possible and they had to find alternative ways to achieve their goal, including on the public relations front which saw the opening of offices in European countries. Starting in 1972, Mossad, concerned about this Palestinian initiative, and angered by the massacre of the Israeli athletes and other guerrilla actions, resorted to assassinations of prominent Palestinian figures, among them intellectuals, artists, professors and jurists in Europe, many of whom were ironically supporters of peaceful resolutions; notable amongst them were the poet and journalist Ghassan Kanafani, poet Wail Zweiter, economist Mahmoud Hamshahri, Fatah’s representative in Paris, law professor Basil Al-Kubaissi, and poet Kamal Nasser.

The 1973 October war brought many changes to the region including international efforts to forge peace between Arab states and Israel, and finding a way to attend to the Palestinian cause. 1974 saw a suspected split of the Fatah organization, the Fatah Revolutionary Command led by Abu Nidal, a terrorist organization that violently killed or injured hundreds of civilians in different countries. It also assassinated several prominent Palestinian leaders, and since it carried the name Fatah, it caused a great deal of damage to the efforts of Fatah aimed at improving international perceptions of the Palestinian movement. When in 1982 Ariel Sharon was preparing to invade Lebanon to expel Palestinians, the Abu Nidal group attempted to assassinate the Israeli ambassador in London; even though Mossad presumably knew full well that Nidal had nothing to do with Arafat’s Fatah, the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and through massive bombardments forced the PLO to once again change its base, this time out of the immediate region, to Tunisia.

The Arrival of the Islamists

In 1973, Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, a fundamentalist Islamic cleric – himself a Palestinian refugee in Gaza who had been expelled along with his family at the age of 12, and had received some education at Egypt’s Al-Azhar University – formed a charity called Mujama al-Islamiya. His objective was to spread his obscurantist religious views in the poverty-stricken and overcrowded Gaza Strip. As he gained followers, he also garnered support from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and was able to establish new mosques. The group launched sporadic attacks on secular and progressive Palestinians, burned down cinemas, murdered sex workers and forced hijab on women in their neighbourhoods. With greater influence, they took over the Islamic University of Gaza and fired secular progressive faculty and students.

Israel, which had full control of Gaza since 1967 had continuously been hit hard by secular forces, and decided to fuel internal conflicts among the Palestinians by strengthening the Islamists and helping Sheikh Yassin’s “charity”, formally recognizing it in 1979.

In 1981 another Islamist group, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a split from Egyptian Jihad (which had assassinated Anwar Sadat) and encouraged by the emergence of the Islamic republic in Iran, called for the establishment of an Islamic state in Palestine on the pre-1948 borders. In 1984, Israel learned that Sheikh Yassin’s supporters were hiding weapons in mosques and arrested him, although he was later released through a prisoner exchange. Since then, conflicts between the Palestinian Islamists and Israel have only intensified.

At the inception of the first Intifada in 1987, Sheikh Yassin and Abdelaziz Rantissi, a fundamentalist physician and a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, created the Islamic Resistance Organization, HAMAS, with the aim of establishing an Islamic state in Palestine. During the first Intifada (1987-1993), in the absence of the PLO which had been expelled from the region, Hamas quickly gained influence and created its military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigade. As peace talks between Israel and Palestine began in the early 1990s and led to the Oslo Accords, Hamas opposed and confronted the PLO on the subject, and to make matters worse parts of the Palestinian left, including the influential Popular Front, who were also against the peace talks, collaborated with Hamas.

In 2004, Sheikh Yassin was assassinated by Israel and Rantissi succeeded him, though he would be killed a month later.  Hamas survived the loss of its founding leaders and grew in popularity, expanding its social influence, building new mosques (there were 1,080 mosques in Gaza before the current war), and starting to dominate different aspects of Gazan society, including in universities and colleges, silencing and expelling non-believer faculty and students.

Concerned about the monster that it and its allies had created, Israel unilaterally decided to evacuate Jewish settlements in Gaza in 2005, moving them to the West Bank, and totally encircling the strip by land, air, and sea, turning it into the largest prison in the world.

In the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections, Hamas gained more seats than the PLO and formed a joint government. Israel refused to recognize the results. The internal divisions eventually led Hamas to engage in a coup d’état against the PLO and since 2007 it has ruled the Gaza Strip. At the same time, Israel, claiming that the UN relief agency for refugees, UNRWA, was under the influence of Hamas, pushed the United States, Canada, and some other allies to cut funding. This misguided policy significantly helped Hamas, as Gazans became more radicalized and dependent on Hamas’ charitable services.

Hamas, despite its anti-Shia ideology, got closer to Hezbollah in Lebanon, found a base there and gained the support of the Islamic regime in Iran. With the beginning of the Syrian civil war, however, Hamas, unlike Islamic Jihad which had closer relations with Hezbollah and the Iranian regime, refused to support the Assad forces and was expelled from Lebanon. But, with the continuation of the conflicts in Syria, Hamas’ relations and support from Iran improved, and reestablished its bases in Lebanon.

With the Palestinian movement divided into two separate entities, the turbulent and chaotic Gaza under Hamas rule and the relatively tame West Bank under the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel adopted a dual policy, that I have discussed elsewhere. While forcefully reacting to Hamas incursions and rockets and heavily bombing Gaza in successive wars of 2008-9, 2012, 2014 and beyond, Israel used Hamas as an excuse to advance its own overall expansionist policies towards Palestinians. In the West Bank, it supported Palestinian “self-government,” which acted as a sort of colonial state run by local rulers; out of about 155,000 PA employees, about 60,000 are in security and policing. In the West Bank also, Israel facilitated the expansion of Palestinian cities like Ramallah, where the new middle classes working in government and in a wide range of foreign-funded NGOs have found relatively prosperous lives and despite dissatisfaction with Israeli occupation, are not willing to risk their newly-gained status. The working class, working in small and medium industries and construction, live and work in insecure economic conditions, as do the farmers and traditional middle classes. While Israel continues its expansion of illegal Jewish settlements, the most bitter irony is seeing long lines of Palestinian workers at the entrances of these settlements, looking for work on construction sites or on settlers’ farms.

Aside from Palestinian religious organizations, there have also been other Islamist groups that have been drawn into the Palestinian/Israeli conflicts. Two of these are based in Lebanon. One is Amal, originally formed in 1974 in response to the plight of the country’s Shia minority and coming into conflict with Israel after the latter’s first major invasion of Lebanon in 1978. The other is the Lebanese Hezbollah, formed with the help of the Islamic regime of Iran after Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and which fought a war with Israel in 2006.

In short, along this long path, the Palestinian movement was severely weakened. With the growing strength of Jewish fundamentalists and right-wing political currents and the growing weaknesses of both the left and liberal forces in Israel and among Palestinians, the “Palestinian question” appeared to be fading, to such an extent that the Trump administration initiated the Abraham Accords, hoping to bring all Arab autocracies and Israel together. However, the October 2023 Hamas attack and Israel’s response, once again attracted the world’s attention to the unresolved Palestinian problems.

The Accumulated and unresolved problems

The main problems following the establishment of the State of Israel can be grouped into several categories, none of which were ever seriously dealt with in the numerous “peace” negotiations.

Displacements and Refugees

During the first war (1947-49), about 700,000 of Palestinians living in Palestine were displaced and sought refuge in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring countries of Jordan, Syria, Egypt, and Iraq; more than 400 Palestinian villages and cities were evacuated at the time.  Meanwhile, an increasing number of Jews arrived in Israel from Europe, Asia, and Africa. The UN created UNRWA to take care of Palestinian refugees, and General Assembly Resolution 194 called for their right of return. In the subsequent wars, especially in 1967 and 1973, hundreds of thousands more were added to the refugee populations.

Today more than 5.5 million Palestinians are registered with the UN. About 1.5 million of them live in UNRWA refugee camps, under very difficult conditions; some of the camps house more than 100.000 people in extremely limited spaces. In Jordan, which has the largest number of refugees, many have obtained  Jordanian citizenship. In Syria and particularly in Lebanon, however, the refugees live under dreadful conditions and are banned from many professions.

Borders, the Walls, blockades and checkpoints

After the defeat of the Arab Armies, the Rhodes Armistice Line of 1949, also known as the Green Line, was agreed upon by Israel and the neighboring Arab states, establishing the armistice line (not the permanent borders of Israel). The armistice agreements established three demilitarized zones near the Jordan River and the Sea of Galilee, but eventually Israel took these over.

Following Israeli conquests in the June 1967 war, Israel started to build Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, prohibited by the Fourth Geneva Convention and Security Council Resolution 452. Currently, over 200 settlements and outposts house over half a million settlers, all of them illegal under international law. Twelve settlements were also created in East Jerusalem within the heart of the Old City, next to the majority Palestinian population. In Hebron (Al-Khalil), an officially Palestinian city under the Oslo Accords with a population of about 240,000, live several hundred fundamentalist Jewish settlers, protected by 1,200 IDF soldiers. Some of these settlers reside above the town’s marketplace and frequently throw stones, bricks and rubbish on the metal gratings that cover the market beneath. Many shops in the market have in fact had to close or go out of business altogether.

In 2002, Israel decided to build a massive concrete wall separating the West Bank and Israel, but actually placing much of the wall within the West Bank, in some areas penetrating more than 15 miles into the occupied territory. It also created large settlement complexes around East Jerusalem, effectively separating it from the West Bank.

The Oslo Accords, as will be discussed shortly, divided the Occupied Territories into three zones: Area A, consisting of seven Palestinian cities; Area B, under Palestinian administration with joint Israeli-Palestinian security; and Area C, under Israeli control and security. The Israel security zone covers the settlement blocs plus the whole border of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. This is just a pretext to control the rich and fertile Jordan valley and access to the river; in the past several decades, thanks to Jordan’s cooperation with Israel, not a single guerrilla incursion has been reported from those borders. It is reasonable to assume that if the Palestinian Authority had control over the valley, it would have been much less dependent on foreign aid and borrowing. The Dead Sea, which is dying as a result of overuse of the Jordan River’s water, is very rich with various minerals that are used by Israel’s cosmetic companies that enjoy monopolistic control over the Sea’s west side. Palestinians are deprived of access to the Sea. I heard from the Governor of Jericho (Eriha), whose city and region are close to the Dead Sea, that he has never been allowed to go to the shore of the Sea.

All major roads and highways are also under Israeli control, and hundreds of miles of highways are solely for the use of Israeli citizens and not accessible to Palestinians. In addition, there are hundreds of military checkpoints on common roads, controlling the flow of cars and pedestrians, which sometimes take hours to pass through.

Maritime borders, fishing and access to natural gas reserves

The Oslo Accords set the maritime border of the Gaza Strip with the Mediterranean 20 nautical miles from shore, except for the two northern and southern shores where Jewish settlements were located at that time, and in which Gazans were prohibited from fishing. Although this borderline limited Gazan fishing access, it was enough for local consumption. With the beginning of the second Intifada, Israel severely restricted Gazan access to the sea. Under international pressure this border was set to 12 nautical miles. In 2006, with the success of Hamas in the Palestinian National Council elections, Israel reduced this border to 6 nautical miles, and at times reduced it further to 3 miles. The immediate effect of these restrictions was to deprive Gazans from making a meagre living from fishing and eliminated a major food source for the impoverished population of the Strip. Israeli bombing of Gaza’s sewage treatment plant, sending sewage entered the sea, further disrupted Gaza’s fishing.

More importantly, with the discovery of a massive natural gas field in 2000, within the Oslo-set Gazan maritime border, Palestinians could have access to a major source of revenue. A 25-year contract was signed between the Palestinian Authority, British Gas, and a Lebanese-owned company. Israel, particularly when Ariel Sharon formed his government in 2001, had no intention of allowing Palestinians access to this income and blocked the implementation of the contract; Hamas’ electoral victory proved the best excuse to force BG to cancel the contract.

Jerusalem

One of the most complicated issues in the conflict between Israel and Palestine is the city of Jerusalem. Because of its historical significance for Jews, Christians, and Muslims, Jerusalem was designated as an international city from the very beginning of the British Mandate. With the establishment of the state of Israel, the Green Line cut the city into two parts. The eastern part along with the rest of the West Bank came under the control of Jordan. With the 1967 war, Israel seized the entire city, unified and later annexed it. UN Security Council resolutions 252 and 476 condemned the decision and declared it null and void.

During the whole period since 1948, Jerusalem’s borders were steadily expanded by Jordan and later by Israel. Jerusalem today is almost four times larger than it was in 1947.

The main demand of Palestinians in various negotiations has been to allow for the establishment of East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. Israel, however, considers Jerusalem as a unified city and its own exclusive capital, and as mentioned earlier, has increased the Jewish population while decreasing the Arab populations of East Jerusalem.

Access to surface and groundwater

A cornerstone of Zionist policy from the very beginning has been access to and control of water sources. The Jordan River stretches 156 miles, flowing from Mount Hermon in Lebanon to the Dead Sea, crossing the Sea of Galilee (Bahr-Tabarieh, Lake Tiberias, Lake Kinneret) in Israel and the Golan Heights. It runs through five countries and territories (Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel, and Palestine), which are technically part of a “riparian regime” for collectively managing the affairs of the river. This arrangement, however, never materialized. As mentioned earlier, Israel first took over the three “demilitarized zones” close to the surface water sources. Later on, it drained Lake Hula swamps, diverted water to the south through its National Water Carrier, and maximized its share of the river. Several attempts by the US in the 1950s to find a negotiated settlement for the water issue failed. Of the five riparian members, Syria and Lebanon were almost excluded from sharing the basin and Palestinians were denied all access to the river. Thus, presently only Israel and Jordan are beneficiaries of the river.

Aside from surface waters, Israel also controls the underground waters of the West Bank, which is divided into three (Northern, Eastern, and Western) Aquifers.  The second Oslo Accords set Israel’s share of water at four times that of the Palestinians. Nonetheless, Israel continued to pump water far above its assigned quota. In fact, forty percent of drinking water within the Green Line supply comes from West Bank groundwater. In the Western Aquifer, of the total 360 million cubic meters (MCM), Israel uses 340 and Palestinians 20. In the Northern Aquifer, Israel uses 115 MCM out of  140, and in the Eastern Aquifer, Israel uses 60 out of 100 MCM. Palestinians rarely can get permits to drill deep wells, but Jewish settlers are easily allowed to do so.

No doubt, with a relatively larger population, a far more developed industrial society, and one of the most advanced agriculture in the world, Israel consumes plenty of water. It has also a most sophisticated water management system, and in addition to natural water resources, a portion of Israel’s water comes from desalination plants, as well as from recycling of sewage for agricultural use. Yet, the unequal distribution of water and limits imposed on Palestinians and other riparian neighbors regarding access to their rightful quotas have been and continue to be a major source of tensions.

A combination of all these major problems has been the basis of the conflicts and confrontations between Israel and Palestinians that at times have reached an explosive point, problems that have either been ignored or were not dealt with seriously in numerous “peace” negotiations.

Israel/Palestine “peace” processes

Since the earliest Jewish immigration to Palestine, and following the Balfour Declaration in 1917, when Britain declared its willingness to establish a homeland for Jews, efforts were made to pacify the Arab inhabitants of the region. The first attempt was a meeting in 1919 between the Zionist leader, Chaim Weizmann and Emir Faisal, a leader of the Arab revolt against the Ottomans. This was in line with the Western countries’ policy and the post-war Paris Conference through which Arabs were supposed to encourage and support Jewish immigration to the region, while Zionists would help Palestinians create a viable stable state. Faisal, however, was by no means a representative of Palestinians and like Weizmann, disdained Palestinians. The meeting did not achieve anything. Faisal, who the British had appointed as king of greater Syria, was ousted by the French who had gained the mandate of Syria/Lebanon through the secret Sykes-Picot agreement, and the British moved Faisal to Iraq to become king there, while his brother became king of Transjordan.

During the British Mandate in Palestine until the establishment of the state of Israel, several initiatives were put forward in response to growing tensions. Most notably, in 1937 the Peel Commission proposed the partition of territory and assigned a relatively small part of the Mediterranean coast and northern parts to the Jewish state, and the rest to the Arab state, with the exception of Jerusalem which would remain under British Mandate. The 1938 Woodhead Plan expressed reservations about the possibilities of partition, further limited the territory assigned for the proposed Jewish state and drastically limited the territory for the Arab state, expanding the areas under the Mandate. None of these plans could be materialized, and Zionist para-military organizations Irgun and later LEHI, branded as “terrorists” by the British, expanded their activities. Menachem Begin, head of Irgun and later an Israeli Prime Minister, famously said that “the historical and linguistic origin of the term terror prove that it cannot be applied to a revolutionary war of liberation,” a quote that some Palestinians use.

In 1947, Britain, which no longer had the option to maintain the mandate, handed over the “Palestine Question” to the United Nations. Two proposals known as the Minority Plan and Majority Plan were discussed in the General Assembly. The Minority Plan, favored by Iran, India and Yugoslavia, proposed a single federal state for two peoples, in which each nation would have full autonomy in its territory, but issues such as foreign relations, national security, and immigration would be dealt with at the federal level through a bicameral parliamentary system. This was a very progressive plan but was not acceptable to the Zionists who wanted to establish an independent Jewish state. The Majority Plan had the support of the United States and the Soviet Union and was adopted in Resolution 181, allocating much wider sections of land for the Jewish State compared to earlier British partition plans. Arab states, newly established with very limited diplomatic experiences, voted against both plans, though Israel accepted the Majority Plan. With the war raging on, Israel declared itself a state in 1948, and by the end of the war, it added more territories to what was allocated to it by the UN Resolution.

With the establishment of the state of Israel, and its expansion through subsequent wars, numerous UN Resolutions have dealt with Israel and the Occupied Territories; more than 400 by the General Assembly, and over 222 by the Security Council– excluding 44 resolutions vetoed by Washington. One of the most important Security Council resolutions was 242 in 1967, which along with acknowledging the existence of Israel, demanded its withdrawal from the territories occupied in the 1967 war. Palestinians did not accept the Resolution, as it implied recognition of Israel. Egypt and Jordan accepted it, and later other Arab states made it a condition for the recognition of Isael. Instead of complying with the resolution, Israel came up with the Allon Plan, proposing the partition of the West Bank, allocating two separate areas assigned to Palestinians to be annexed to Jordan, and the rest remaining under Israeli control. The most intriguing part of the plan was that the two divided Palestinian areas were inside Israel and not bordered by the Jordan River, though the plan allowed a passage to Jordan through Jericho.

The 1978 Camp David Accord between Egypt and Israel failed to get Israel to make any substantive concessions to Palestinian self-determination. It took until 1987 with the first Palestinian Intifada that world attention was brought back to the unresolved Palestinian problems.

Secret negotiations between representatives of the two sides in Madrid in 1991 brought high hopes for peace, paving the way for the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995. As mentioned earlier, the West Bank and Gaza were divided into three zones, seven Palestinian cities and 450 villages scattered across Israeli-controlled territories were granted limited self-government, and the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established. The Oslo Accords did not deal with the major issues of refugees, borders, or Jerusalem, which were supposed to be finalized in subsequent years. This was obviously a lopsided agreement between a stronger side with massive international support and a much weaker side with no comparable support. Yet, the hope was that it would gradually improve the Palestinian condition and pave the way for a real two-state solution. But this did not happen. Israel continued establishing illegal Jewish settlements on Palestinian lands and increased blockades and roadblocks. At the time of the Oslo Accords, the population of settlers in the West Bank was 110,000, and today, without counting the settlers in East Jerusalem it is over half a million.

Numerous other agreements followed the Oslo Accords. In 1997, the Hebron Agreement divided the city into two sections: Hebron 1 with 240,000 Palestinians, and Hebron 2 for several hundred Jewish settlers. In 1998, the Wye River Memorandum with Clinton, Arafat and Netanyahu, made some adjustments to the Oslo Accords, and a small percentage of the three areas were relocated. The 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Agreement made further slight changes.

In 2000, President Bill Clinton hosted Israeli prime minister Edud Barak and Palestinian Authority chair Yasser Arafat at Camp David. Clinton and Barak proposed changes to the West Bank borders according to which Israel would annex 9-10 percent more of the West Bank and 9-10 percent more of the border with the Jordan River which would also be put under “indefinite temporary” [sic] Israeli control. In return, Israel would add 1-3 percent of its own territory in the Negev Desert to the Palestinian territories. Some unspecified parts of Area C would also go under Palestinian control, without any impact on Jewish settlements. Palestinians would be allowed to commute on a highway that would link Jerusalem to the Dead Sea, with Israel having the right to shut it down anytime it deemed necessary. Refugee issues remained unresolved. The proposal would give the Palestinian state administrative control over part of East Jerusalem without “sovereignty” over the Haram al-Sharif/Al-Aqsa Mosque, or the Temple Mount compound. Arafat declared that he could not possibly agree with the proposals and the summit failed. Arafat’s return to the West Bank coincided with the second Intifada, and Israel’s response included demolishing much of Arafat’s residence, leaving a small section for his impending house arrest.

Very important peace talks took place in the Egyptian town of Taba in 2001. While no agreement regarding borders and land divisions was reached, at least on paper it dealt with some major issues pertaining to refugees and Jerusalem. For Jerusalem, instead of dividing it with a border, a reality no longer practical, it suggested that the city be divided into two administrative zones: The western part, Yerushalayim, would be the capital of Israel, and the eastern side, Al-Quds, the capital of the future Palestinian state. More importantly, on the question of refugees, it referred to the 1948 UN Resolution 194 regarding the conditional right of return and compensation, and some concrete suggestions were made: 1- the controlled return of refugees to Israel and Palestinian territories, and to the lands exchanged between the two parties; and 2- refugees formally becoming citizens of where they had settled, including transfer to a third country.

This agreement was certainly a major step forward in resolving the Israeli/Palestinian conflicts. But it coincided with the election of George W. Bush and the neo-cons in the US, the end of the Barak government and Ariel Sharon coming into power in Israel. More significantly, Ehud Barak was not serious about this deal. In 2003, at a conference of the Tel-Aviv and Al-Quds Universities, where the American, Israeli, and Palestinian negotiators were reviewing the failure of the Camp David II Accord, Barak openly admitted that he was not serious about the deal, and prompted the anger of the chief Israeli negotiator present in the conference. (Arafat could not attend because he was under the house arrest!) In fact, just before handing the government to Sharon, Barak sent a note to the new US president stating that what had been agreed in Taba and in Camp David II was not considered binding on the new Israeli government.

In 2001, Ariel Sharon unilaterally and outside any negotiations proposed the Sharon Plan with some minor changes in the the territories assigned earlier to Palestinians while expanding the areas under Israeli control in all of the Jordan River valley and the Dead Sea.

In 2002, George W. Bush, through the ‘Quartet’ (US, EU, UN, Russia) suggested Roadmap 2002, which was in actual fact a road to nowhere: in the first phase Palestinians were to renounce violence, Israel to withdraw to the pre-September 2000 (2nd Intifada) lines and freeze those settlements built since 2001, in the second phase a Palestinian state would be established and in the third phase an international conference would resolve the finalized borders and the question of Jerusalem.

The Arab states came up with their own Arab Peace Plan, which put forward three conditions for peace and the formal recognition of Israel: withdrawal to the 1967 borders, resolving the refugee issues on the basis of UN Resolutions, and the creation of a Palestinian state with its capital in East Jerusalem. Israel rejected the idea.

In 2003 pro-peace Israeli and Palestinian political figures and activists met unofficially and came up with the Geneva Initiative. In terms of borders and territory, they suggested a land swap, assigned much of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to Palestinians, but agreed that the areas close to the Green Line, with significant Jewish population, would be annexed to Israel. In return, part of the Israeli territory close to Gaza would be annexed to the Palestinian side. On the refugee question, however, there was no breakthrough.

Time was passing and key Palestinian issues remained unaddressed. Following years of house arrest, Yasser Arafat was sent to France for medical reasons and mysteriously died in 2004. Internal strife among Palestinian political currents intensified and the movement was eventually divided into two distinct parts.

All sorts of subsequent meetings and summits were held without any serious results. In 2005, representatives of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the King of Jordan, and President of Egypt met in Sharm al-Sheikh. In the Riyadh Summit of 2007 Arab leaders repeated the earlier Beirut declaration. At the Annapolis Conference in the same year, George W. Bush, Ehud Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas attempted to revive the “Roadmap” peace talks, but no agreement was reached. A notable part of this initiative was Olmert’s agreement to assign a section of East Jerusalem to the Palestinian state. With the election of Barack Obama, there were hopes for the negotiated settlement he had promised. But in the 2010 and 2013 Conferences between Obama, Netanyahu and Abbas they could not achieve any progress. In 2014, after confrontations between Israel and Hamas, Netanyahu cancelled all efforts for peace negotiations. During the Trump presidency, any pretense of a peace process between Israel and Palestine was set aside altogether, and the ultra-right Israeli coalition had no interest in any negotiated peace with Palestinians anyhow.  The Abraham Accords merely aimed to bring together Arab autocracies and Israel and did not address the Palestinian question. And the Joe Biden Administration did not undertake any major initiatives either.

In short, none of the so-called peace processes resolved any of the Palestinian problems discussed earlier. On this long journey, entrenched frustrations and anger have conjoined periods of calm before storms and outbursts. The first intifada prepared the ground for the Madrid and Oslo negotiations, and the second Intifada brought the Taba Summit.  The latest horrific attack by Hamas brutally killing many civilians and taking hostages, followed by the unimaginable brutality of the Israeli response and the collective punishment and killing of thousands of Gazans, has once again attracted world attention to the ongoing Palestinian/Israeli conflict. Whether this will lead to a new round of peace negotiation following the completion of military operations remains to be seen.

Without a doubt, the effects of the October 7 attacks did not serve the Palestinian cause at all. The major difference between this confrontation and the two Intifadas is that it is led by a reactionary obscurantist religious fundamentalist force that ironically gave the best excuse to another fundamentalist force in power in Israel to mercilessly kill many thousands of Palestinians and justify its expansionist policies.

Are there any solutions to this lasting conflict?

With the total failure of the Oslo initiative, many question the idea of a so-called two-state solution. Putting aside absurd ideas of a Palestinian state in the pre-1948 borders or ‘from river to the sea,” some (re-)emphasize the one-state solution for the two peoples, not taking into consideration the basic tenet of Zionist ideology that rests on having a homeland for Jews. Whether one agrees with this ideology or not, it is a reality that cannot be ignored. The one-state solution is, without a doubt, an ideal that might be materialized in future. However, there is no chance of its fulfilment any time soon. It is important to note the so-called “demographic dilemma”: Today the population of Israel is 9.7 million, which consists of 2.1 million Arabs and about half a million people of other ethnicities or religions, making the Jewish population of Israel around 7.1 million. The Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza is about 5.4 million, and if added to the non-Jewish Israeli population, Jews would become a minority in the Jewish “homeland”. Although Israel encourages Jewish immigration and so far, about nine major waves of immigration have taken place, and notwithstanding the very high birth rate among ultra-orthodox Jews, Israel’s overall Jewish population growth rate is lower than the Palestinian population, despite the vast numbers killed every year in numerous conflicts.

Some on the left have also put forth the idea of a potential collaboration of the working classes on both sides against the dominant capitalist class. This is a nice idea with no basis in reality. Histadrut, the powerful Israeli General Federation of Labor, federating over 20 industrial trade unions with about 800,000 members, is still one of the most powerful Institutions in the country, despite being weakened by the increased dominance of neo-liberalism in Israel since the 1980s. It is a progressive movement for Israeli workers and even has over 100,000 Arab members. But as a founding Zionist institution it has never taken a strong stance in relation to the post-1967 Occupied Territories. On the Palestinian side, the General Federation of the Palestinian Trade Unions, with about 290,000 members, despite defending Palestinian workers, is very close to the Palestinian Authority, has little actual power, and like many other trade unions suffers from a lack of internal democracy. In short, the expectation that under the present conditions, workers on both sides would unite to challenge the dominant power is unrealistic.

The reality is that the two-state solution was never truly on the agenda. Even what in 2010, I poignantly called a One-and-a-half State Solution, was never materialized. And yet, all things considered, the only solution to the 75-year-old conflict is a real two-state solution. The peace negotiations mentioned above, although all have failed, carry the seeds of a practical, realistic and relatively fair solution. If real conditions of peace are provided, they can provide the basis for a lasting agreement.

The main question though is what are these real conditions for peace? Contrary to the present situation where reactionary, ultra-conservative and fundamentalist political currents on both sides are facing off, I believe, it is ultimately the progressive secular currents that will play the major role in finding lasting peace.  So long as there are no major changes in Israeli civil society and politics, and the progressive Israeli left and liberal forces are sidelined by the reactionary right-wing zealots, there cannot be any hope for peace, and the world will witness more periodic outbursts. Also, if similar changes do not happen on the Palestinian side, and progressive Palestinian forces are not able to effectively confront the inept and corrupt Palestinian Authority on the one hand, and religious fundamentalism on the other, and create a unified progressive secular front, they will not have a strong voice in the future peace process. It is obvious that these are big ifs, and numerous powerful regional and international factors, ranging from imperialism, US politics in particular, and religious fundamentalisms (Jewish, Christian, Islamic), as well as regional autocracies, and proponents of antisemitism and Islamophobia, present major barriers to genuine peace between Israel and Palestine.

Thus, it is difficult to be optimistic, but there is no other choice but to remain hopeful and work hard to find practical and progressive ways to move towards peace based on a two-state solution through which a viable secular democratic government for Palestine is established within the pre-1967 borders with its capital in the Eastern part of unified Jerusalem, along with negotiated land swaps based on the Geneva Initiative, resolving the refugee problem based on UN Resolutions and the Taba agreement, and fair division of water sources and land and maritime borders.

From Chile to Palestine

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Author Yasna Mussa.

It has taken me too long to write. The invasion began fifty days ago. It has been 16 years since I first went to Palestine and nine since the Israeli army stopped me from entering a second time, and the Ministry of the Interior deported me and banned me from setting foot on Palestinian territory again.

I write these lines as the third exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners is taking place. I wonder how many Palestinians an Israeli is worth. Who chooses the words and definitions? When is one event a kidnapping and another an arrest? When is a murder an assassination versus a simple death?

I think about these details from the relative calm of Santiago de Chile, 13,000 kilometers from a land that I have come to know over many years: first through my father’s stories, then through books and documentaries, and finally by traveling to the other side of the world to see, smell, touch, and know Palestine firsthand.

As I write, I’m trying to understand this new massacre. The images from Palestine go viral, arriving instantly through Instagram, Twitter, and WhatsApp groups.

In Chile, members of the largest Palestinian community outside of the Arab world—more than half a million people—are trying to help.

They take to the streets, call for marches, hold debates and conferences, light candles, hoist flags in front of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and the United Nations headquarters, and shout “Free Palestine” in the streets of Valparaiso, Arica, and Santiago until they go horse.

The members of the Palestine Sporting Club, a professional soccer team founded in 1920, take to the field wearing keffiyehs around their necks, each has a black ribbon tied around their arm. They observe a minute of silence for the victims in Gaza before they begin to play.

The return 

From this corner of South America, we bear witness to constant dehumanization. We cannot stop counting the dead as the days go by. No matter how much we repeat that they are not just numbers, we end up talking about figures, relying on hard data to show how serious and urgent it is to stop this genocide.

Time passes slowly. We search for news of a friend in Gaza or a relative who is living in the West Bank. There are many who can no longer stand still.

Just days after Israel announced its latest invasion on October 7, a group of young people in Santiago decided to create a collective.

They named it Al Auda (العودة), which means the return in Arabic. Its members are in their early thirties and work in the visual arts, architecture, and music. They can’t bear to be silent in the face of what they see. They call their contacts, ask for help, and decide to organize day of cultural events for Palestine.

They launched with Sessions of Return, their first public activity, which was held in the parking lot of the Franklin Factory, a hub for creatives in Santiago, on Saturday, November 11. The organizers split the twelve-hour concert into three sections, each named after a Palestinian city: Nablus, Jericho, and Gaza. People chipped in, either by buying tickets or donating. They raised almost six million Chilean pesos (nearly $6,800 USD), to be sent to Gaza through Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP), an NGO that advocates for the health of Palestinians.

In a Santiago café, I met with photographer Mila Belén and Marian Gidi, a visual artist and photographer, who told me how Palestine became part of their lives. Both women traveled to Palestine with the Know Thy Heritage program to learn about their roots and connect to the culture. Belen went in 2014 and Gidi in 2017. Both told me that the experience was a turning point in their lives.

Belén and Gidi are the founders of Al Auda and see themselves as outsiders in the larger Palestinian community in Chile. They did not grow up in a traditional Palestinian environment or go to an Arabic school. They didn’t spend their weekends at the Palestinian Stadium, an exclusive social club located in an affluent part of Chile’s capital. Instead, their bond was forged through food, a connection that is silently passed from generation to generation without preamble, through dishes that contain the history, feelings, and traditions that live in their  recipes.

Like me, they made a choice to connect with Palestine. It was driven by curiosity and empathy, a natural outcome of their interest in human rights. Arab displacement links so many issues, just like in Latin America, where history is traversed by colonialism, which Indigenous peoples of this continent understand so well, including in Wallmapu, the Mapuche territory that pre-dates Chile.

“Even if I wasn’t of Palestinian descent, I would still defend the Palestinian cause,” said Belén. Her intuition is reflected in the work of Chilean-Palestinian author Lina Meruane.

“Palestine, for me, has always been a rumor circulating in the background, a story to which one turns to save a shared origin from extinction,” Meruane writes in her book, Volverse Palestina (Becoming Palestine). “It would not be a return of my own. It would be a borrowed return, a return in someone else’s place.”

I recognize myself in these words and see a process that is repeated and amplified. Third and fourth generation Chilean women of Palestinian origin envision a potential future return and then confirm what they already suspected: the situation is worse than imagined.

But there is another dimension. There is joy in spite of it all. The effusiveness of the Palestinian streets, the shared sense of humor, and the will to be happy despite living with just enough, and without justice, in refugee camps that swell and then disappear over and over again.

For Belén, her trip to Palestine led her to her define herself as an activist. Today she is trying to do something concrete to help the Palestinians in Gaza who have been under bombardment for almost two months.

“Despite all the information we have, reality is still shocking. But we can’t turn away, because it makes everything so clear,” said Gidi in an interview. “I felt as though it grounded what I already knew.”

The two photographers, who have woven a friendship out of shared pain and pride, plan to continue their collective beyond the tragedy that led to its founding: they both know that the invasion will continue when the ceasefire ends. Palestine rarely appeared on television before October 7, but the occupation has been going on seventy-five years.

Palestine, Irreversible

It is Thursday afternoon and I’m with Andrea Giadach, an actress, playwright, and theater director, whom I first met more than fifteen years ago when I attended her play, My World Homeland. We met at the Rincón Arabe, a small café redolent with Arab coffee and spices.

It is a hot day and a little early for dinner, but the waitress comes and goes between the kitchen and the patio carrying warm dishes that smell of happy memories. Giadach is accompanied by Ana Harcha, an actress and academic, with whom she co-directs Irreversible Palestine, Non-Existent Palestine, an exhibition in which Harcha shares reflections and impressions from her trip to Palestine last October.

Harcha describes her interest in the land of her great-grandparents as a path that opened up to her over the years. The main milestone on this journey was a trip to the Occupied Palestinian Territories just over a year ago. Harcha, too, sees herself reflected in Meruane’s work.

“I felt that I understood what she was putting forward in Becoming Palestine: that there is a way of being Palestinian that is not based in blood, but in defending life,” said Harcha, with a plate of Arab rolls in front of her.

Giadach doesn’t remember when she first became interested in Palestine. For her, it was always there. It was something her father encouraged and which she has actively cultivated throughout her life. Eventually she took Palestine with her into the theater. The first play she directed, My World Homeland, explores stories of exile, including that of a Palestinian.

Today Harcha and Giadach connect over theater and Palestine. Earlier this year they began working on the exhibition Irreversible Palestine, Non-existent Palestine, where images of the apartheid wall are projected in order to show its real dimension. Harcha took the photographs and wrote the text that accompanies them.

“It has to do with dimensions, with making the geography, the reality over there, present through the photographic record and through Ana’s body,” said Giadach. “For me, Palestine is a paradigm of the relationship between hegemony and otherness.”

This immerse artwork-lecture, co-directed by Harcha and Giadach, was shown for the last time on November 14 at the Chilean National Theater in downtown Santiago. The event had been scheduled months prior but its happening coincided with the bombings in Gaza.

Those in attendance felt the connection between the performance they were watching and the scenes of war broadcast on the news and landing on their cell phones.

The point of the piece, according to Harcha, is “to investigate the possibility of memory and belonging in the territories, of identities and genres, as a thought exercise in creation, fiction, and imagination, one that is not closed off and that can develop through counterpoint or contradiction.”

Reclaiming joy

I was walking down a street in Ramallah, in the West Bank, and I was lost. I had no map with me. It was December 2007 and I still didn’t have Google Maps on my phone. I stopped, took out my camera and started taking pictures in a street full of shops where children were playing and riding bicycles.

When the kids realized I was taking their picture, they opened their eyes wide and started shouting “sahafiye, sahafiye” (صحفية) as they ran towards me. It was the first time someone called me a journalist, and they did it in Arabic.

The children were used to the intrusive lenses of foreign correspondents who were visiting or covering the Occupied Palestinian Territories. They entertained themselves by asking for pictures and seeing the images on the camera’s screen. They posed, while joking and shouting happily.

I recently saw a similar video on my Instagram feed. Amidst images of death, human misery, and charred bodies, blackened by dust and explosions, another record, this one full of life, sneaks into the social networks: a journalist taking pictures of children laughing and forgetting for a few minutes that they are surrounded by death and pain and the rubble of what had been their homes just a few weeks ago.

One of the most brutal characteristics of dehumanization is the reduction of the other to something that is not a person, that is less than human, and that does not have the same rights or capacity to experience emotion other than pain.

This narrative of the occupation reduces Palestinians to just a few dimensions of the many they actually possess: crying, suffering, resistance, loss, despair. Their defense of life, their sense of humor, the colors of their childhood are erased. An effort is made to silence this chorus of children who laugh and play in the midst of fear, hunger, and the indifference of the international community, as if they couldn’t possibly be whole human beings who go through a range of emotions, including joy.

Marian Gidi, Mila Belén, Ana Harcha, and Andrea Giadach are legion in this land that is distant geographically and in language, religion and traditions. But the archives show Chile began receiving Palestinians at the end of the nineteenth century.

From here they forge a commitment, borne of the privilege and luck of having been born in a safe place, of having had the possibility to have been girls, of enjoying their youth and being able to imagine what is to come.

That is why we recall our happy memories, and why we keep talking about Palestine.

This story was first published in Ojalá, Nov 29, 2023.

 

 

 

A Letter from Afghanistan about Palestine & Israel

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The people of Palestine have suffered from multiple oppressions for many years.  Their homeland was occupied.  They lost many of their youth.  Their intellectuals were exiled or killed.  Their children experienced war and explosions.  Women experienced the loss of their homeland and their children.

Israel has continued to occupy more and more areas on a daily basis and has turned Gaza into a prison for its inhabitants.   The people of Palestine cannot even breath and live under deplorable conditions.   At the same time, Israel and the states that support it have pushed aside progressive movements and organizations among Palestinians.  The government of Israel has been able to use propaganda to cover the crimes that it has committed against the Palestinian people with the help of imperialist states.

Wherever there is oppression,  there is also struggle.  The Palestinian people are tired of the oppression of the state of Israel and the silence of the countries that support it.  Hamas has witnessed the desire of the Palestinians to fight back and has exploited the lack of progressive alternatives in order to start its own attacks on Israel.

I condemn war crimes against innocent Palestinians and Israelis.  The people of both sides should not be deceived by the propaganda of militarist states in the West and the East.   Under these difficult circumstances, they should be by each other’s side and not against each other.

The people of Afghanistan have suffered from the hell of religious fundamentalist regimes and occupying powers.  We can understand the pain of the Palestinian people and are with them.  However, many of us make a distinction between Hamas and the resistance and struggle of the Palestinian people.

The people of Afghanistan have experienced resistance against Russian and U.S. imperialism. They have also experienced many bloody and treacherous years of religious fascism.  If a freedom-seeking resistance movement which opposes occupation, does not work toward democracy and secularism, the religious fundamentalist forces will easily hijack the results of the popular struggle.  They will make life a living hell of terrorism for all people and especially women. Regional imperialist and reactionary countries will also try to sow the seeds of terrorism and religious fundamentalism in a newly emerging country and will support religious fundamentalist forces by providing them with opportunities for profit making.

At the same time, U.S. imperialism and the murderous government of Israel are trying to reduce the resistance of the Palestinian people to Hamas.   Since Hamas is a terrorist organization, Israel and the U.S. argue that they have the right to fight against terrorism.  In truth however, Hamas is only part of the resistance of the Palestinian people and not its majority. By equating the Palestinian struggle with Hamas, Israel continues to deceive people around the world and justifies its murders in the name of self-defense.

We need to emphasize that a reactionary opposition cannot be liberating. The oppressed people of Palestine need to form a democratic opposition in the midst of this war. If the Palestinian people themselves do not take up the leadership of the resistance against the occupation, and if the reactionary forces of Hamas are the leaders of the resistance, they will poison a future Palestine with religious fascism.

The conscious, educated and progressive people of Palestine can take up the leadership of a liberatory resistance.  And if a people-centered and secular government comes to power in Israel, perhaps both sides could live peacefully alongside each other while respecting each country’s territorial integrity.

Afghanistan

November 30, 2023

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 2

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 2 of a four-part series. Part 1 Part 3 Part 4

DECONSTRUCTING XI’S BOGUS HISTORY OF CHINA’S RISE AND ITS “SUPERIORITY”

I. Why do Chinese flee China’s “superior civilization” for the “declining West”?

To begin with, it’s often been observed that Mr. Xi rejects all Western ideas except one, Marxism. He celebrates Marx all the time. In a speech marking the two hundredth anniversary of Marx’s birth in May 2018, Xi reaffirmed that “Writing Marxism onto the flag of the Chinese Communist Party was totally correct… Unceasingly promoting the sinification and modernization of Marxism is totally correct.”[1] Yet Xi can hardly claim Marx’ support for his theory of “non-Western” modernization.” For far from rejecting “Western bourgeois values,” Marx and Engel’s vision of socialism was rooted in the Enlightenment values of science and democracy. They championed the achievement of the human rights of free speech, universal suffrage, democratic elections, habeas corpus, the right to peaceful assembly and association, freedom of the press, and public education uncensored by the state even more ardently and forcefully than the bourgeoisie itself because those victories consolidated in the course of the English, American and French revolutions were not just victories for the bourgeoisie against feudalism but also victories for the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and capitalism — and indispensable prerequisites for a future socialism. Thus:

The bourgeoisie cannot fight for his political rule, nor express this political rule in a constitutional laws without at the same time, putting weapons in the hands of the proletariat . . . Consistently, therefore, it must demand direct, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, organization, and assembly, and abolition of all discriminatory laws against particular classes of the population. . . It is therefore in the interest of the workers to support the bourgeoisie and its struggle against all reactionary elements, so long as the bourgeoisie remains, true to itself.[2]

Yet in practice the bourgeoisie often failed to remain true to itself, in which case it fell to the workers and plebians to finish the revolution for the bourgeoisie, and in the process to secure the rights that workers could eventually turn against the bourgeoisie themselves. Thus

[Had it] not been for that [British] yeomanry and for the plebeian element in the towns, the bourgeoisie alone would never have fought the matter out to the bitter end and would never have brought Charles 1 to the scaffold. In order to secure even those conquests [universal suffrage, freedom of speech and the press, the right to assemble, etcetera] of the bourgeoisie that were ripe for gathering at the time, the revolution had to be carried considerably further — exactly as in 1793 in France in 1848 in Germany.[3]

Voting with their feet

If Western values are obsolete and inappropriate for developing nations, why do China’s leaders all send their children to Western universities? Xi Jinping sent his only daughter Xi Mingze to Harvard in 2010 (which he could hardly afford on his legal salary thought to be around $20,000 a year but could easily afford because he and his whole family were multimillionaire kleptocrats long before he was installed as general secretary of the Communist Party in November 2012).[4] Reportedly, she prefers life in Boston over Beijing.[5] If the superiority of Chinese-style civilization is so obvious, why don’t Western college students flock to China to get their education instead of the other way round? And why are more and more Chinese fleeing to the “declining” West? Of the 10.5 million PRC emigrants living abroad in 2021, virtually all of them moved to Western, Eastern and other capitalist democracies (most to the U.S., E.U., South Korea, Japan, Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, South America, in that order.)[6] Currently, 5.2 million people of Chinese descent (excluding Taiwanese) live in the United States.[7] Xi’s crackdowns have only accelerated this exodus as Chinese vote with their feet.[8] Western capitalist democracies have many problems. Yet while people scale walls or set out on flimsy rafts to migrate to Europe and the United States, no one clamors to move to China. Of its 1.4 billion people, barely a million, just 0.07%, are immigrants.[9] Right now Beijing is trying to staunch the outflow by banning courses in “preparation for emigration” at Hong Kong universites.[10] With the economic slump, Covid lockdowns and Xi’s fierce political repression, a top trending search by young Chinese on Weibo (China’s twitter equivalent) has been runxue (literally, the English verb run + the Chinese verb study) – researching how to get out of China.[11]

As of November, more than 24,000 PRC escapees have crossed the Mexican border into the United States this year. Typically, they fly to Ecuador which admits them without a visa, then make their way to Mexico. Once in the U.S. many apply for asylum and most succeed.[12] In March, the Guardian reported that disillusioned Chinese emigrants (913 in December 2022 alone), are so desperate to reach the United States that they’re undertaking the arduous and dangerous trek across the roadless, lawless and deadly Darian Gap between Columbia and Panama. The paper quotes a Mr. Xu who says that he used to identify with China’s “Little Pinks”, a group of cyber-nationalists, but in 2021, he began learning about the Great Chinese Famine and the Tiananmen Square massacre by using virtual private networks, or VPNs. “I realised [the CCP] don’t care about human rights,” Xu says. “After I leave the country [China], I have no plans to go back alive.” “I feel like this country has been deceiving us, persecuting us. I have to do something.” He points to the rash of suicides and family separations under Zero Covid, which were ignored by a state media only talking of a “tremendous victory.” “They [the Communists] would do anything to disregard ordinary people’s pain,” he says. “I don’t know much about the US, but at least it’d be better than living in China.” Another, Mr. Yin, a 55-year-old cook from Nanjing says that China’s tough pandemic rules were just one of many reasons that he wanted to escape life under the Chinese Communist Party. “I’m not afraid of them at all,” Yin says. “We would go help Taiwan fight against the CCP if China attacks Taiwan.” What kind of “superior civilization” can’t keep its own people from risking their lives to flee?[13]

Curiously, Western Maoist apologists for China such as Monthly Review’s John Bellamy Foster and Vijay Prashad trumpet Xi’s claims for poverty alleviation and “ecological civilization” but never trouble ask themselves the obvious question that Fang Zhili poses: “Why should a good society fear that people are going to run away? If you’re so good, people will be trying to get in, not out.”[14]

Voting with their wombs

Those who can’t get out face a bleak future of a decelerating economy, rising unemployment, and an aging society as young Chinese women have gone on strike, voting with their wombs against the party-state, declaring themselves the “last generation.”[15] The same government that banned women from having more than one child in 1981 is now pressuring them to become baby factories. The Party that once encouraged women to join the workforce, is now telling them that “their place is in the home, rearing children.”[16] This is not going to work for at least three reasons: First, educated women all over Asia are rebelling against patriarchal cultures, refusing to marry or have children.[17] Birth rates are plummeting and populations are shrinking in South Korea, Taiwan and Japan too. Second, since the privatizations of social services in the 1990s, the cost of raising children in China has become unaffordable for many. The old system of free public childcare and free public schools is no more. And though state schools don’t charge tuition for primary and secondary schools, school “fees” can be steep. The supply of public kindergartens is also seriously inadequate, and private ones prohibitively expensive for most. The patchwork of health insurance is expensive, coverage is minimal, and does not include children. Women also face systematic discrimination in jobs, pay, and advancement, even height. Single women suffer additional barriers. They get no state support, are ineligible for the few subsidies allocated to married mothers and are regularly denied paid maternity leave by their employers. Third, women are revolting against the lack of human rights. As one single mom said “What many women, especially single mothers, lack is not money but the protection of their rights and the respect of society.[18] That’s not likely to be forthcoming from the Xi’s CCP (the 24-member Politburo includes zero women and just 5% of the 205-member Central Committee are women).[19] Far from expanding the rights of women, Xi’s Communist Party is locking up feminists and extinguishing the last of what rights the Chinese people thought they were entitled to in their paper constitution but discovered in three years of Covid lockdowns that after all, they’re just 1.4 billion prisoners. As the anti-lockdown protesters chanted last November, “We don’t want to be slaves. We want freedom. We want rights. We want democracy. We don’t want dictators, we want to vote.”[20] China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates are expressions of the deep pessimism of young people. And Xi faces not just the women’s strike. In recent years many Chinese young people of both sexes are “lying flat” — refusing to take high pressure jobs in response to the grueling “996” work schedule (9AM-9PM, 6 days a week).[21] demanded by China’s tech companies and by regime and societal pressure to over-work and over-achieve. This has given rise to the “Four No” movement: no dating, no marriage, no home ownership, no kids.[22] In short, a vote of no confidence in bleak future Xi Jinping is engineering for his subjects.[23] In what Western democracy do young people declare themselves “the last generation” and protest in the streets against state slavery?
 

II. Debunking the debunker –

  1. We have completed in decades the industrialization process that had taken developed Western countries hundreds of years.”

Yes it certainly did take centuries of step-by-step advances in rational critical thinking and scientific advancement from the 15th-16th centuries Renaissance and beginnings of the Scientific Revolutions of Copernicus, Galileo, Brahe, Bacon, through the 17th-18th centuries Enlightenment of Newton, Kepler, Descartes, Locke, Adam Smith, Kant and others, to the James Watts, Richard Arkwrights, Thomas Newcomens, Thomas Edisons and Henry Fords of the Industrial Revolution of the 18th to 20th centuries, to lay the foundations of our modern industrial societies. But once the scientific, technical, and industrial bases of modernization had been laid in the West, the Chinese had no need to invent the wheel all over again, industrializing without capitalism and at “China speed” as Mr. Xi implies. China just “skipped over stages” by copying it wholesale from the West like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and other countries had done before China. Trotsky gave this historical process a name: “combined and uneven development.”

China’s miracle in East Asian comparative perspective

In fact, China’s “miracle” was neither an “unprecedented feat” nor as rapid as the modernizations of its own East Asian neighbors, let alone characterized by “long-term social stability.” In Xi’s telling, China’s rise was a continuous smooth ascent from 1949 to today. In truth, China lost three decades as Mao worked and starved to death tens of millions of Chinese in his “Great Leap Forward,” then terrorized the whole population and killed another couple of million people in his crazed “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” such that by his death in 1976 China was worse off and further behind the West than it had been in 1949.[24] In those same decades, China’s neighbors, the “Four Tigers” (Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore) brewed up the original export-oriented industrialization “East Asian Miracle” that China completely missed.[25] They were all at roughly the same socio-economic level as China in 1949 (and Korea would endure another war in 1951-53), but by the 1980s the Four Tigers were already fully modernized industrialized economies. By the 1990s they were all first-world “high income” economies whereas Communist China could not even attain lower-middle income status until 2001.[26] Furthermore, China’s neighbors also eliminated mass poverty and except for Hong Kong which was still a U.K. colony, transitioned to democracies by the 1990s to boot. In short, they fully accomplished their East Asian Miracle modernizations while China dragged itself through three decades in Maoism-in-poverty under the Party’s then “correct policies.”

What’s more, the former copycats South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore went on to become mighty tech innovators in their own right while China’s state sector and its SOEs remain incapable of significant innovation such that Mr. Xi still finds himself in the humiliating position of having to beg, coerce, threaten or steal – mostly steal — regular infusions of leading-edge science and technology from the declining West to keep his economy advancing.[27]

  1. “Chinese socialism not Western capitalism modernized China’s economy”

Xi’s claim that Chinese-style modernization “abandoned the old path of capital-centered Western modernization” and is “not dependent upon others” is perhaps the most obviously counterfactual of his four theses. This argument is part of retro-Maoist Xi’s effort to drive capitalism out of China, recenter and promote the state economy, airbrush Deng and his market reform era out of Chinese history books and museums and rewrite history to portray China’s rise as due solely to the brilliant and glorious Chinese Communist Party and its SOEs, not Western capitalists and their science and technology.[28]

Manifestly, China’s rise has been wholly dependent upon Western capitalism from the outset in 1978 down to today. China’s industrial modernization began with Deng Xiaoping’s marriage of Western capital to Chinese labor in his new export-processing Special Economic Zones (SEZs) set up from 1978. He invited Western and investors and companies to bring in their capital, their modern technology, new industries, and expert managerial and production knowhow in return for granting them the right to dramatically cut their cost of production by super-exploiting China’s unfree ultra-cheap labor with few environmental restrictions. He also gave them access to the world’s biggest untapped market, an irresistible incentive. Initially, most FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) was concentrated in archipelago of 14 Special Economic Zones (SEZs) along China’s east coast but in the 1990s dozens of new iterations were added.[29] The SEZs were fenced off from the rest of the economy. In some cases, as with Foxconn’s factories, they are rigidly militarized. Indeed, since 2010 Foxconn’s factory dormitories have also been conveniently fitted with anti-suicide nets to prevent China’s blissfully happy “common prosperity”- enjoying workers from jumping off the roofs to their deaths.[30] SEZs grant tax concessions and duty-free imports and exports. The government’s contribution to this project was to provide labor and build the necessary infrastructure: land, ports, roads, rails, water and power, and telecoms.

The new SEZs comprised a capitalist economy within the framework of the old Stalinist state-owned centrally planned economy. The government still owns all the land and natural resources and most of the economy including the commanding heights: large-scale mining and manufacturing, heavy industry, metallurgy, shipping, energy generation, petroleum and petrochemicals, heavy construction and equipment, atomic energy, aerospace, telecommunications and internet, vehicles (some in partnership with foreign companies), aircraft manufacture (in partnership with Boeing and Airbus), airlines, railways, most pharmaceuticals and biotechnology, banking, military production, as well as the media, schools and universities. The state-owned industrial economy has always been far larger than the private and joint-venture economy. Even so, according to the World Bank, by the 2010s SEZs accounted for 22% of China’s GDP, 45% of total national foreign direct investment, and 60% of exports and had created tens of millions of new jobs.[31] Whereas, in 1978, virtually everyone worked for the state, by the 2010s more than 80% of the urban labor force were working in private businesses or were self-employed.[32]

In the first decades of reform and opening, all the Foreign Invested Enterprises (FIEs) were run by foreign engineers and executives. But as the famously industrious, education-focused, quick-learning and entrepreneurial Chinese learned how to operate modern technology and factories and China educated its own engineers and technicians, they staffed more and more of the engineering and managerial positions and Chinese companies supplied more and more of the physical inputs to replace imports.[33] By the 2000s and 2010s developing domestic private competitors were clawing back shares of the domestic market from foreign manufacturing and retail as well as creating entirely new high-tech electric vehicle and e-commerce industries. Google quit China in 2010 over tech theft, leaving the market to Baidu and other Chinese search engines. The state-backed Didi Chuxing ride-hailing service drove out Uber in 2016. KFC and MacDonalds were driven out by Chinese competitors the same year. Panasonic abandoned TV and solar panel production in China do to “fierce competition” from domestic producers, and so on.[34] By the 2010s Huawei had become the world’s biggest telecom company and homegrown private tech companies like Alibaba, Ant Financial, Baidu, Tencent, Bytedance, Warren Buffet-backed BYD Company Ltd. (the world’s largest electric vehicle manufacturer), and CATL (Contemporary Amperex Technology Co., the world’s largest EV battery maker) were leading the economy. In 2022 Bytedance’s TikTok became an international sensation and the top downloaded app in the United States. Thus pace Mr. Xi’s fable, Chinese-style modernization has been indisputably powered by capital accumulation, by private investors and corporations both foreign and domestic from 1978 to today. Indeed, ironically, while Xi has campaigned to reassert Party control over the economy and promote the state-owned SOEs against the private sector, the government’s decades-long failure to kickstart indigenous innovation in state-owned industries like microchips, aviation, pharmaceuticals, among others, despite spending hundreds of billions of dollars such efforts since the 1990s, leaves China’s economy’s more dependent on Western and Chinese capitalists than ever—a major problem for Xi’s goal of state-sector economic supremacy.[35]

The Communist Party’s unique “innovations in the theory of world modernization”

Yet Xi is correct that China’s modernization is unique compared to India and the Four Tigers — just not in the way he claims.What the Communist Party uniquely contributed was its all-powerful and well-organized police state. As I explained elsewhere, when globalization took off in the 1980s, made possible by revolutionary developments in technology and manufacturing processes such as computerization, the internet, and modularization of production that permitted sourcing components from several (and often competing) nations,

What gave China the advantage as an export platform over, say, India which had at least as many millions of hungry jobless workers, was that China had a highly organized and effective developmental police state that could not only furnish labor and control labor costs, but could also clear land and concentrate resources to build the industrial parks and infrastructure (power plants, ports, roads, railways, telecommunications, and so on) to get them up and running, and could build new universities to train engineers.[36]

Apartheid with Communist Party characteristics 

With respect to the labor force, the Communist Party’s innovation was to supply hundreds of millions of union-free, EPA free, OSHA free, NIOSH-free, police-state enforced, semi-slave migrant workers to be exploited by Western capitalists at the world’s lowest cost, virtually industrial revolution-era wages, what employers termed the “China Price.”[37] In fact, the Communist Party — self-proclaimed representative of the proletariat — created an entire apartheid class of ex-farm migrant proletarians, nearly 300,000 million strong, to supply the SEZs, urban and infrastructure construction, supply urban domestics, delivery services, etc. with pliant super-exploitable workers. In contrast to South African apartheid, this class of Chinese workers is not distinguished by racial identity but solely by their lack of an urban hukou or legal residence permit. This system was established in the early 1950s when the Party sought to prevent mass migration from the country to the cities by assigning every Chinese a hukou based on where they were born. Such assignments were permanent and were inherited by their children. Access to housing, childcare, schooling, medical care, rations, and subsidies were all determined by one’s hukou. By denying those new migrant workers an urban hukou, they could not legally buy an urban residence, and so have been condemned to live for forty years on the margins, in peri-urban slums, in company dormitories (as at Foxconn), on the street, etc, subject to being expelled and sent back to their rural homes at the whim of local officials. As illegal migrants in their own country, they have no legal right to send their children to urban public schools, no legal entitlement to urban medical or other social services, no legal entitlement to state provided minimum subsistence payments (the dibao), disability insurance, state-provided pensions and death benefits. Some of these restraints have been relaxed by local officials in second- and third-tier cities. But the formal national legal structure remains in place and is vigorously enforced in top-tier cities like Beijing where the government is determined to cap the urban populations, by force when necessary.[38]

By comparison, India suffers from numerous disadvantages in its bid to become an export powerhouse. High on this list is its political system— democracy. Prime Minister Modi complains that democracy is a barrier to development because he can’t get his parliament to overhaul labor laws that favor workers. Nor can he get rid of land laws that prevent the converting of farmland to factory sites. India’s workers strike when they feel aggrieved, as they did when Modi attempted to make it easier to fire them. By contrast, independent trade unions are illegal in China and the right to strike was deleted from the national constitution in 1982. Nonetheless, in recent years there have been more than a thousand industrial strikes per year in the country, but they’re all illegal and labor organizers are routinely locked up or worse.[39] China’s police-state advantage is again on display today as companies under pressure to shift their manufacturing bases out of China try to relocate to places like India. Indian workers are not keen on working 12-hour days, females don’t want to work night shifts, and employers can’t just marshal 100,000 Indian workers to work all night to meet some Apple deadline like Foxconn factories do in China. Moreover, the companies cannot always count on the police to tip the balance of class struggle in their favor. In one recent case, workers struck for higher wages, better labor protection and when those were not forthcoming, trashed a Taiwanese Apple subcontractor’s factory “causing millions of dollars in losses to the Taiwanese company and forcing it to shut the plant.”[40]

Primitive accumulation with Communist Party characteristics

With respect to land and natural resources, China’s innovation in modernization has been the government’s right and power to clear land and mobilize water and other natural resources at will, whenever and wherever it wished to build new dams, ports, industrial parks, roads, railways, airports, or new cities. Since the government owns all the land and natural resources, and controls the police and courts, it doesn’t have to bother with public hearings, environmental impact statements or legislatures. Since the 1990s, it has summarily evicted hundreds of millions of farmers from their land and tens of millions of urban residents from their apartments and houses, with or without compensation.[41] That’s how it built thousands of kilometers of new highways and high-speed railways across the country since 2008. This was only possible because the central government could mobilize and concentrate funds and resources on massive infrastructure projects like those and could expropriate farmers and urban residents by fiat. No other contemporary modernizing government in the world has the power to carry out such wrenching transformations.[42]

By comparison, in India in 2007, Tata Motors won approval from a local government to build an auto factory in the Ganges delta in India’s West Bengal. But while the factory was under construction, protesting peasants elected a new government that promised to return the farmland to them, which it did in 2017. This is a common problem for industrialists in India’s still mostly agrarian but democratic country.[43] Recall that in England, even with the state on their side, it still took centuries of class struggle for the new capitalist landlords to complete the process of “primitive accumulation,” to expropriate peasant freeholders, turn them into wage laborers, and convert their farms into sheepfolds.

In short, it’s difficult to overstate the importance of China’s police-state advantage for speeding industrial modernization. Police-state enforced ultra-cheap labor + state ownership of all land and resources + the Communist Party’s monopoly of political power – those were the Party’s “major innovations in the theory of modernization” that distinguished China’s industrial modernization from those of Taiwan, South Korea etc.

  1. Chinese modernization is a modernization of common prosperity for all people, not just for a few.”

Indeed. This will come as news to those 300 million impoverished migrant workers denied urban hukous and public schools, who struggle to scrape together money to build and staff their own shanty-town schools — only to see the government that professes its “love and serve the people,” send in demolition crews to demolish them along with their makeshift housing, to kick what Communist officials term the “low-end population” (diduan renkou) out of its first tier cities like Beijing and Shanghai.[44] This will also be news to the thirty million SOE workers who were laid off in the late 1990s and, once out the door, were cut off from company-provided healthcare, pensions and other benefits, to become precarious workers like the ex-farm migrants, or retire in poverty struggling to survive on the state’s stingy dibao (the dole).[45]

Worse than capitalism

Far from “resolutely preventing polarization,” Communist Party-style modernization has constructed one of the most economically polarized societies in the world, a society characterized by a massively higher rate of poverty, and more extremes of wealth and poverty than found in the world’s industrial capitalist democracies. At the top, the Hunrun Global Rich List reported in 2019 that China had more billionaires than the U.S. and India combined.[46] Ninety-nine percent of them are Communist Party members. In 2002 the New York Times reported that China’s National People’s Congress – the “congress of crony capitalists” – possessed a collective wealth of hundreds of billions of dollars.[47] A Bloomberg exposé of CCP aristocratic “princelings” in 2012 revealed that Xi Jinping and his close relations had already amassed a fortune in minerals, real estate and telecoms worth at least 376 million dollars even before he was anointed party secretary in 2012. The New York Times calculated that as Xi took office in 2012, outgoing Premier Wen Jiabao (whose annual salary was about $15,000) was worth at least $2.7 billion when he retired, all of it secreted under the names of his close relatives and associates. Even his retired school-teacher mom was worth $190 million.[48]

At the bottom are the proletariat and precariat, the apartheid subclass of migrant proletarian workers, and the farmers. After seven decades of “socialist” development, China still has many times more extremely impoverished people than either its East Asian industrialized neighbors or the capitalist economies of West Europe and the United States. In terms of the GINI coefficient, a commonly used metric of inequality (On a scale 0 to 100, 0 corresponds with perfect equality where everyone has the same income, and 100 corresponds with perfect inequality, where one person has all the income and everyone else has no income), according to the World Bank China’s current GINI coefficient is 38.2, just 3.3 points more equal than capitalist United States at 41.5, but significantly more unequal than capitalist South Korea at 31.4, Japan at 32.9, and Taiwan at 33.6. In Europe, Germany’s GINI is 31.7, France is 32.4, and even Thatcherite England at 35.1 is more equal than China, let alone Norway and Finland both 27.7 or Sweden and Netherlands, both 29.5.[49]

Living the Big Lie

Yet the GINI coefficient vastly underestimates inequality in China because its estimates are based on reported incomes whereas, as I’ve discussed elsewhere,[50] in China official salaries are pocket change. Uniquely, compared to other modes of production like feudalism or capitalism, China’s CCP ruling class have become filthy rich, collectively perhaps the richest ruling class in the world, but they’re obliged to hide their wealth because it’s all ill-gotten, illegal. Which means that Communist Party members have to live the Big Lie, pretend to be “proletarian” revolutionaries like their “plain living and hard struggling” Maoist forebears of the 1930s and 40s while using their Party cards to tap the state’s ATMs. As China got rich, rivers of money flowed into government coffers from the profits of SOEs, foreign trade, taxes and so on and China accumulated the world’s largest foreign exchange hoard, nearly four trillion dollars in 2015. Yet individual CCP members have no legal title to any of that treasure. The only way they could take “their share” of the party-state’s wealth was to steal it by one means or another, and hide it: Loot the SOEs, the banks, pension funds, etc., list it in their wives’ and children’s names, stash it in secret offshore accounts in Panama or the Cayman Islands, smuggle it out through Hong Kong banks to buy properties in Vancouver or Los Angeles or New York, and so on.[51]

Millionaire and billionaire Chinese Communist Party officials, including Xi Jinping’s close relatives, accounted for the largest single national group of offshore secret account holders revealed in the Panama Papers.[52] As Deng Xiaoping said, “some have to get rich first,” so he saw to it that his own children were among the first at the trough.[53] If the secret wealth of China’s tens of millions of filthy rich Communist Party members were included, China’s GINI co-efficient score would be off the charts.

The fraud of “poverty eradication”

Xi claims his Party’s policies have “eradicated absolute poverty.” This claim is zealously promoted by Western Maoists who don’t trouble to look at the evidence for this claim.[54] What Xi has virtually eradicated is any public mention of poverty. In March, the Cyberspace Administration, the country’s internet regulator, announced that it would crack down on anyone who publishes videos or posts that portray “sadness, incite polarization, or create harmful information that damages the image of the Party.” It bans sad videos of old people, disabled people, and children.[55] When Hu Chenfeng, an underground journalist posted a heartbreaking video in which an elderly retired widow in Chengdu showed him what groceries she could buy with her monthly pension of 100 yuan or $14.50 (basically just rice), Hu’s video was censored and his accounts suspended.[56] Instead of eradicating poverty, Xi is manufacturing poverty as his crackdowns on the private businesses are throwing millions of workers, young and old, out of work. Youth unemployment is rising so fast that in August the embarrassed government stopped reporting youth unemployment statistics. Xi’s advice to China’s jobless futureless youth: “Go to the countryside and ‘eat bitterness’ like I did in the Cultural Revolution.”[57]

To make its claim that absolute poverty has been eradicated, China’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) uses the World Bank’s “extreme poverty” line of $1.90 per day (adjusted for inflation, the equivalent to $2.30 per day in 2011 Purchasing Power Parity) to count those in poverty (Figure 1 below, left panel).[58] But that number is highly misleading in respect of industrialized, urbanized, and comparatively wealthy China today. The World Bank says a threshold of $1.90 a day is appropriate for countries with annual per capita incomes of less than $1,000 or so, such as Ethiopia or China in the 1970s. For lower-middle-income countries such as India with per capita incomes between $1,000 and about $4,000, it says the poverty line should be $3.20 a day. For upper-middle-income countries like China, it says the poverty line should be $5.50 a day.[59] Using the Bank’s classification of US$1.90($2.30) per day, China’s poverty zeros out by 2018 (Figure 1, right panel, dark blue line) as Xi claims. But using the classification of $5.50 per day ($167 per month), the graph shows that about 20% of China’s 1.4 billion, 280 million people, were living in poverty in 2018 (Figure 1, right panel, light blue line). In May 2020 Premier Li Keqiang stated that “[t]he average per-capita income in China is RMB30,000 (US$4,193), but there are over 600 million people [43+% of the population] whose monthly income is barely RMB1,000 (US$140), not enough to rent a room in Chinese cities.”[60] In other words, after seven decades of “socialist modernization,” somewhere between 20% and 43% of China’s population still live in “extreme poverty.” By comparison, in countries that suffered the exigencies of capitalist modernization such as Taiwan, this figure is just 1.5%, in South Korea 15.1%, in Japan, 16.1%, in Hong Kong 19.9%, in France 13.6%, in Germany, 14.8%, in Thatcherite UK 18.6%. Even in the notoriously unequal United States, the figure is just 11.6%.[61]

 Table 1. China National Income and Consumption Expenditures In 2021

Urban per capita average wage/salary:      Y28,481

Urban per capita expenditures for living (cost of living): Y30,307

Rural per capita average wage/salary: Y18,931

Rural per capita expenditures for living (cost of living):        Y15,916

Source: National Bureau of Statistics of China, http://www.stats.gov.cn/english/PressRelease/202201/t20220118_1826649.html.

China’s 600+ million poor are comprised of the hundreds of millions of rural poor living in villages and farms, most of whom depend on remittances sent to them by their children working in the cities, laid-off SOE workers surviving on the dibao, and many of the 300 million apartheid underclass migrant workers who eke out a marginal existence as semi-legal workers in the cities.

Xinhua recently ran a headline entitled “U.S. mired in wave of strikes fueled by inequality.”[62] That’s true. But in Xi’s “whole-people democracy” people can’t even legally strike, protest, or even talk about poverty in public or on social media, let alone vote for a different party. What kind of democracy is that?

  1. “Chinese-style modernization is a modernization in which man and nature live in harmony.”

This thesis is cruel irony to the thousands of Chinese wasting away and dying in China’s hundreds of “cancer villages” or indeed to all Chinese.[63] Large swathes of China would count as EPA toxic waste dumps, more than any other large country in the world. 70% of its rivers and lakes are unsafe for human use of any kind, according to the government.[64] 80% of China’s ground water aquifers are officially “unfit for human consumption” because of industrial contamination.”[65] Not one city in “modern” China can provide potable tap water. Decades of wanton pollution of rivers, lakes, reservoirs, and aquifers with agricultural chemicals, industrial dumping, untreated sewage dumping, and use of industrial wastewater to irrigate farmlands has degraded much of China’s farmland, contaminated food supplies, and damaged the health of millions. Farm soils are contaminated with all manner of heavy metals including cadmium, mercury, chromium, lead, arsenic, and other chemicals. Officially at least 20% of China’s farmland is “seriously polluted” with heavy metals including cadmium, nickel, arsenic mercury, lead and other chemicals. Much of the rest is extensively contaminated.[66] In 2013, the Ministry of Lands reported that 2% of China’s farmland — an area the size of Belgium — was too polluted to grow crops. Efforts to clean up water and soil pollution have all been conspicuous failures.[67] Food contamination and food poisoning are never-ending nightmares in China, compounded by deliberate food adulteration for profit like the serial contaminated baby formula scandals since 2008 that continue to this day. That’s why Chinese parents scour grocery shelves, the internet, and implore their overseas relations and friends to bring or ship them safe foods from the “declining West.”[68] China has had so many drug and vaccine scandals that many Chinese refused to take the government’s Covid vaccines. Government regulation is an abject failure across the board.[69] Unsurprisingly, cancer is epidemic in China, “rising rapidly” while cancer indices are falling in the (declining) West.[70] Lung cancer is the leading cause of death in industrialized northern China, indeed, the top killer of both men and women in both urban and rural China.[71] After lung cancer, gastrointestinal cancers, closely associated with soil and water pollution, are leading causes of death in rural China.[72] Quoting Xi Jinping who said “If we do not do a good job in food safety, and continue to mishandle the issue, then people will ask whether our party is fit to rule China,” Professor Yanzhong Huang who has written an entire book on the pollution-induced health crisis in China, recently wrote:

Growing up in a village by the Yangtze River, I may have dreamed of having a bowl of rice every day, but I did not have to worry about the safety of my food. Now, with hundreds of millions of people being “lifted out of poverty,” their defining anxiety has shifted from food security to food safety. It is hard to imagine that China can regain its former greatness while its people lack uncontaminated soils on which to farm.”[73]

Xi is correct in saying that “under the capitalist modernization model, capital’s endless pursuit of profits [and] unrestrained demand for natural resources inevitably leads to ecological crisis.” Yet today it is ironically “socialist” China’s disproportionately huge CO2 emissions that are leading the world to climate collapse while its relentlessly growing resource consumption is plundering and annihilating ecologies around the world. China’s carbon emissions are nearly triple those of the United States with a GDP just two-thirds as large. Since 2019 China’s emissions have exceeded those of all developed countries combined and presently account for 33 per cent of total global emissions.[74]

It’s often said in China’s defense that while China’s current annual emissions may lead the world by far, historically, the United States has contributed the most CO2 to the atmosphere. That’s true. But according to NOAA, on current trends China’s cumulative emissions will exceed those of United States in just 15 years.[75] Even in per capita terms, China’s CO2 emissions “now exceed the average in the advanced economies” according to the IEA.[76]

“Socialist” China is also “outpacing the rest of the world in natural resource use” according to the United Nations. In a 2013 report, UNEP concluded that “China’s growing affluence has made it the world’s largest consumer of primary materials (such as construction minerals, metal ores, fossil fuels and biomass), with domestic material consumption levels four times that of the USA.”[77] In per capita terms, PRC Chinese still consume a tiny fraction, roughly a fifteenth as much natural resources, as do Americans. As the Sierra Club has written: “With less than 5 percent of world population, the U.S. uses one-third of the world’s paper, a quarter of the world’s oil, 23 percent of the coal, 27 percent of the aluminum, and 19 percent of the copper. Our per capita use of energy, metals, minerals, forest products, fish, grains, meat, and even freshwater dwarfs that of people living in the developing world.”[78] But, again, the planet does not care about per capita consumption, only total consumption. And in this regard, without in the least excusing Western capitalism’s obscene per capita levels of resource consumption[79] still, as I’ve written elsewhere:

China’s voracious consumption of natural resources is out of all proportion to any rational economic need, and flagrantly disregards local and international environmental regulations and laws. Conservationists liken China to “a giant vacuum cleaner of the natural world.”

China is the leading driver of global deforestation, consuming more lumber than the rest of the world put together. It is also the largest importer of illegally logged lumber. While protecting its own forests, China is leveling forests from Siberia to South America to satisfy the voracious appetite of its construction companies, papermakers, and flooring and furniture manufacturers. A recent headline in the South China Morning Post read: “Chinese consumers’ crazy rich demand for rosewood propels drive toward its extinction.”

Chinese loggers are also destroying the habitats of Siberian tigers, Amur leopards, Indonesian orangutans, and dozens of rare birds, driving an untold number of species to the edge of extinction. Just as there’s no market in China for ecologically certified lumber, neither is there a market for ecologically certified palm oil, beef, seafood, or agricultural products. . . It’s fishing fleets plunder the world’s oceans, depriving North Koreans, coastal Africans and Latin Americans of fishing jobs.

China is the largest consumer by far of illegally poached wildlife— elephants, lions, tigers, rhinos, sharks, pangolins, and dozens of exotic bird species—for its booming trade in traditional medicine. With state media fully occupied trumpeting patriotic propaganda about “Amazing China,” its citizens have no idea that their country leads the world in CO2 emissions, nor that their country is almost single-handedly responsible for the industrial-scale slaughter of exotic fauna and flora at the center of the “Sixth Extinction.”[80]

Xi Jinping is emphatically correct to say that “We will not be able to follow the old path of the United States and Europe in building a modern country, and a few more earths are not enough for the Chinese to consume. The old way, to consume resources, to pollute the environment, cannot be sustained!” But why then, is his Chinese-style civilization consuming more natural resources per unit of GDP than the U.S. or Europe? Why are China’s fishing fleets plundering the world’s oceans, devastating fisheries (and destroying the livelihoods of fishermen) in Africa, South America, the South Pacific and Indian oceans?[81] Why is China the leading driver of exotic species extinction?[82] Why does it lead the world in dumping toxic pollution in lakes rivers and farmland? And why is “socialist” China leading the world to climate collapse?[83]

The fact is, neither Western capitalism nor China’s hybrid communist-capitalism are sustainable. They’re both suicidally unsustainable. Ecologically speaking, the fundamental contradiction in Xi’s “Chinese-style modernization” is his assumption that he can decouple resource consumption and emissions from growth in order to maintain that 6%+ growth rate to overtake the United States and become the world’s top superpower. As I argued in my book and follow-up article, such decoupling is as impossible in Communist China as in the capitalist West. Xi can, as he promised the world in his 2020 televised speech to the United Nations, either “transition to green and low-carbon development . . [and] take the minimum steps to protect the Earth, our shared homeland,” or he can pursue his 6%+ growth rate. He can’t do both — and neither can we. Infinite growth on a finite planet is the road to collective ecological suicide.[84]

Notes:

[1] Christian Shepherd, “No regrets: Xi says Marxism still ‘totally correct’ for China,” Reuters, May 4, 2018, https://www.reuters.com/article/cnews-us-germany-marx-china-idCAKBN1I50ET-OCATP.

[2] The Prussian military question and the German Workers Party, January-February 1865, MEW 16,87, Hal Draper, Karl Marx Theory of Revolution (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), Vol. II, 282 (emphasis in original), also 273-74.

[3] Socialism Utopian and Scientific, in Marx and Engels: Selected Works, 3, 105, in Draper, op cit., 275.

[4] Bloomberg, “Xi Jinping millionaire relations reveal elite Chinese fortunes,” June 29, 2012, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-06-29/xi-jinping-millionaire-relations-reveal-fortunes-of-elite?sref=4KuSK5Q1. https://www.quora.com/If-Xi-Jinping-earns-less-than-100-000-USD-a-year-then-who-pays-for-his-daughters-Harvard-education. A question to Quora in September 2022, “If Xi Jinping earns less than $100,000 then who pays for his daughter’s Harvard education?” returned this answer from a Mr. Lan Yanchiu, a teacher in China: “Easy: I pay for it. Just like it is me who pays for Xi’s and his extensive family’s Shanghai and Hong Kong assets and properties, Canada and Cayman Islands companies, moreover it is me who pays for the personal wealth of each of the billionaire members of the National People’s Congress and of the Politburo. This money disappears precisely from my pocket and other Chinese citizens’ pocket and re-appears in their pocket. This is “communism with special Chinese characteristics”: the principle that “in communism there is no private property” is understood by the Party in the way that “you might think you own things, but we have the right to take anything from you at any time we wish.” https://www.quora.com/If-Xi-Jinping-earns-less-than-100-000-USD-a-year-then-who-pays-for-his-daughters-Harvard-education. Lan’s response has been subsequently deleted.

[5] “Xi Jinping’s daughter Xi Mingze living in America, reveals US Senator Hartzler,” Economic Times, February 21, 2022, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/xi-jinpings-daughter-xi-mingze-living-in-america-reveals-us-senator-hartzler/articleshow/89728856.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst.

[6] “Immigrant population by country of origin and destination, mid-2020. Estimates,” Migration Policy Institute, 2023, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/immigrant-and-emigrant-populations-country-origin-and-destination?width=1000&height=850&iframe=true. See also, Heidi Østbø Haugen and Tabitha Speelman, “China’s rapid development has transformed its migration trends,” Migration Policy Institute, January 28, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/china-development-transformed-migration.

[7] U.S. Census Bureau,

https://www.commerce.gov/news/blog/2023/05/us-census-bureau-releases-key-stats-honor-2023-asian-american-native-hawaiian-and#:~:text=5.2%20million,and%20Japanese%20(1.6%20million).

[8] “She was supposed to be China’s Future. After ‘Zero Covid,’ she wants to leave,” interview by Lulu Garcia-Navarro, New York Times, December 15, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/15/opinion/china-zero-covid-chinese-dream.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare.

[9] “China needs foreign workers. So why won’t it embrace immigration?” Economist, May 4, 2023, https://www.economist.com/china/2023/05/04/china-needs-foreign-workers-so-why-wont-it-embrace-immigration; Haugen and Speelman, op cit.

[10] Reuters, “China ‘banning thousands of citizens and foreigners from leaving country,” Guardian, May 2, 2023,  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/02/china-barring-thousands-of-citizens-and-foreigners-from-leaving-country; Chan Ho-him and Primrose Riodan, “Hong Kong political elite pressed to give up western passports,” Financial Times, March 5, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/27atn4w8; Sammy Heung, “’Preparation for emigration’ courses under fire as lawmakers call for inclusion of national security clauses in subsidy conditions,” South China Morning Post, February 15, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/3bnvn45r.

[11] Li Yuan, “‘The last generation’: the disillusionment of young Chinese,” New York Times, March 24, 2022,  https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/24/business/china-covid-zero.html.

[12] Eileen Sullivan, “Chinese join migrant crush on U.S. border,” New York Times, November 25, 2023.

[13] “Growing numbers of Chinese citizens set their sights on the US – via the deadly Darian Gap,” Guardian, March 8, 2023,  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/mar/09/growing-numbers-of-chinese-citizens-set-their-sights-on-the-us-via-the-deadly-darien-gap.

[14] Eg. John Bellamy Foster et al., “Why is the great project of Ecological Civilization specific to China?” Monthly Review, October 1, 2022, https://mronline.org/2022/10/01/why-is-the-great-project-of-ecological-civilization-specific-to-china/; Vijay Prashad, “China eradicates absolute poverty while billionaires go for a joyride in space: the Thirty-First Newsletter (2021),” Monthly Review, August 6, 2021, https://mronline.org/2021/08/06/china-eradicates-absolute-poverty-while-billionaires-go-for-a-joyride-to-space-the-thirty-first-newsletter-2021/.

[15] Li Yuan, “Last generation,” op cit.

[16] Stevenson, “China’s male leaders signal” op cit.

[17] Eg. Hawon Jung, “Women in South Korea are on strike against being ‘baby-making machines,’” New York Times, January 26, 2023.

[18] Nicole Hong and Zixu Wang, public is wary of trying to push for baby boom,” New York Times, February 26, 2023. Barclay Bram, “The last generation: why China’s youth are deciding against having children,” Asia Society Policy Institute, January 23, 2023, https://asiasociety.org/policy-institute/last-generation-why-chinas-youth-are-deciding-against-having-children.

[19] “It’s a man’s world. No more women leaders in China’s Communist Party,” France 24, October 24, 2022, https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20221024-it-s-a-man-s-world-no-more-women-leaders-in-china-s-communist-party.

[20] Gan and Wang, op cit.

[21] “What is China’s 996 work culture that is polarizing its Silicon valleys,” South China Morning Post, June 9, 2021,  https://www.scmp.com/tech/tech-trends/article/3136510/what-996-gruelling-work-culture-polarising-chinas-silicon-valley.  Li Yuan, “China’s young people can’t find jobs. Xi Jinping says to ‘eat bitterness,’” New York Times, June 2, 2023.

[22] Jeff Pao, “Youths’ desperate ‘four no’ attitude worries China,” Asia Times, July 13, 2023, https://asiatimes.com/2023/07/youths-desperate-four-no-attitude-worries-china/.

[23] Nicolas Eberstadt, “China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism, Washington Post, February 28, 2023; Fay Yiying and Chen Jiangyi, “After 3 years of Covid, China’s Gen-Z are mourning their lost future,” Sixth Tone, December 6, 2022, https://tinyurl.com/4cwe2mbv.

[24] Summarizing the economic achievements of the Mao era, historian John Fitzgerald writes: “Before the start of China’s reforms, 800 million people were living below the poverty line, basically the entire population give or take a few million senior party, cadres and technical expert living in a relative comfort. When the Communists seized power 30 years earlier, there had been roughly 400,000,000 people living below the poverty line. Again, that was the entire population of the country at that time. Over the intervening period of Maoist rule, the number of people living below the poverty line doubled to 800, million.” Cadre Country (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2022), 56.

[25] World Bank, “The East Asian Miracle (World Bank/Oxford University Press, 1993), https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/975081468244550798/main-report; Umesh C. Gulati, “The foundations of rapid economic growth: the case of the four tigers,” The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Apr., 1992), 161-172, https://www.jstor.org/stable/3487387.

[26] According to the criteria of national income established by the World Bank, China became a lower-middle-income country in 2001 and an upper-middle-income country in 2010, https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/china/overview.

[27] Finbarr Berminghan, “Beijing envoy warns Dutch of retaliation for chip curbs: ‘China won’t just swallow this,’” South China Morning Post, March 22, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3214361/china-wont-just-swallow-beijing-envoy-warns-dutch-retaliation-chip-curbs. As James McGregor, author of a history of China’s innovation drive “writes, “while China’s scientists, prodded by the state, are making gains, significant discoveries and inventions are still few and far between given the enormous sums of money spent and China’s impressive and fast-growing talent pool.” “China’s drive for ‘indigenous innovation’—a web of industrial policies,” APCO, 2010, 4,

https://www.uschamber.com/sites/default/files/documents/files/100728chinareport_0_0.pdf; Scott L. Montgomery, “Why China may never be the world leader in science,” Global Policy Journal, March 21,2023, https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/12/09/2022/why-china-may-never-be-world-leader-science. Zhang Jun, “The Western illusion of Chinese innovation,” Project Syndicate, July 30, 2018: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/myth-of-chinese-innovation-capacity-by-zhang-jun-2018-07.

[28] “Full text of the Chinese Communist Party’s new resolution on history,” Nikei Asia, November 19, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Full-text-of-the-Chinese-Communist-Party-s-new-resolution-on-history; “Xi Jinping is rewriting history to justify his rule for years to come,” Economist, November 6, 2021; Chun Han Wong, “China’s museums rewrite history to boost Xi,” Wall Street Journal, August 20, 2018, https://www.wsj.com/articles/sleight-at-the-museum-china-rewrites-history-to-boost-xi-1534766405.

[29] Douglas Zhihua Zeng, “China’s Special Economic Zones and industrial clusters: Successes and challenges,” World Bank blog, April 27, 2011, https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/china-s-special-economic-zones-and-industrial-clusters-success-and-challenges.

[30] See photos of the Foxconn nets and jail-like bars on dormitory windows in Smith, China’s Engine chapter 1.

[31] World Bank, “China’s Special Economic Zones: Experience gained,” n.d., https://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/Africa/Investing%20in%20Africa%20Forum/2015/investing-in-africa-forum-chinas-special-economic-zone.pdf.

[32] Nicholas R. Lardy, Markets Over Mao (Washington D.C.: Peterson Institute, 2014), 85.

[33] Yoko Kubot, “Apple’s China engineers keep products flowing as Covid shuts out U.S. staff,” Wall Street Journal, May 9, 2022, https://www.wsj.com/articles/apples-china-engineers-keep-products-flowing-as-covid-shuts-out-u-s-staff-11652094929; Ryosuke Matsui, “In China decoupling, companies still rely on Chinese know-how,” Nikkei Asia, March 17, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Supply-Chain/In-China-decoupling-companies-still-rely-on-Chinese-know-how.

[34] Natsumi Kawasaki, “Eclipsed by Chinese rivals, Panasonic quits solar cells and panels,” Nikei Asia, January 31, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Electronics/Eclipsed-by-Chinese-rivals-Panasonic-quits-solar-cells-and-panels.

[35] Bloomberg, “China’s $220 billion biotech initiative is struggling to take off,” May 15, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-05-15/china-biotech-stumbles-despite-220-billion-investment#xj4y7vzkg; Bloomberg, “Next China: losing mojo” May 19, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-11-03/amazon-founder-jeff-bezos-announces-move-to-miami-from-seattle?sref=4KuSK5Q1; McGregor, op cit.; Matthew Johnson, “The CCP absorbs China’s private sector: capitalism with party characteristics,” Hoover Institution, September 2003, https://www.hoover.org/research/ccp-absorbs-chinas-private-sector-capitalism-party-characteristics; Max J. Zenglein and Jacob Gunter, “The party knows best: aligning economic actors with China’s strategic goals,” MERICS, October 2023, https://merics.org/en/report/party-knows-best-aligning-economic-actors-chinas-strategic-goals;

[36] Smith, China’s Engine, 2.

[37] Alexandra Harney, The China Price: The True Cost of Chinese Competitive Advantage (London: Penguin, 2008), 3.

[38] Floris-Jan van Lyun, A Floating City of Peasants: The Great Migration in Contemporary China (New York: New Press, 2006); Tom Miller, China’s Urban Billion (London: Zed, 2012); Chris Buckley, “Why parts of Beijing look like a devastated warzone,” New York Times, November 30, 2017,  https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/30/world/asia/china-beijing-migrants.html.

[39] China Labor Bulletin, “Introduction to China Labour Bulletin Strike Map,” May, 2022, https://clb.org.hk/en/content/introduction-china-labour-bulletin’s-strike-map: Marrian Zhou, “Factory strikes flare up in China as economic woes deepen,” NikkeiAsia, August 28, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Business-trends/Factory-strikes-flare-up-in-China-as-economic-woes-deepen; Gerry Shih, “’Everyone is getting locked up’: as workers grow disgruntled, China strikes at labor activists,” Washington Post, December 24, 2019, https://chinalaborwatch.org/everyone-is-getting-locked-up-as-workers-grow-disgruntled-china-strikes-at-labor-activists/.

[40] Chandini Monnappa and Phartiyal, “Apple supplier Wistron could not manage scaled up India plan, government report says,” Reuters, December 19, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-apple-india-wistron/apple-supplier-wistron-could-not-manage-scaled-up-india-plant-government-report-says-idUSKBN28T0C9.

[41] Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 2 and the sources cited therein. For a case study see, Qin Shao, Shanghai Gone (New York: Roman & Littlefield, 201).

[42] “Why China is so good at building railways,” Youtube, n.d., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0JDoll8OEFE&list=RDCMUC9RM-iSvTu1uPJb8X5yp3EQ&start_radio=1&rv=0JDoll8OEFE&t=3. Also Shin Watanabe, “China Railway expands high-speed network as profits take back seat,” NikkieAsia, January 29, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Transportation/China-Railway-expands-high-speed-network-as-profits-take-back-seat.

[43] Manipadma Jena, “Land taken for Indian car factory returned to farmers, bears fruit,” Reuters, May 9, 2017, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-india-landrights-farming/land-taken-for-indian-car-factory-returned-to-farmers-bears-fruit-idUSKBN1851LI.

[44] Buckley, “Why parts of Beijing look like a war zone,” op. cit.; Lucas Niewenhuis, “Bejing evictions reach into the tens of thousands, destroying livelihoods of migrants,” China Project, November 30, 2017, https://thechinaproject.com/2017/11/30/beijing-evictions-reach-tens-thousands-destroying-livelihoods-migrants/; Tania Branigan, “Millions of Chinese rural migrants denied education for their children,” Guardian, March 14, 2010, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/mar/15/china-migrant-workers-children-education; Andrew Jacobs, “China takes aim at rural influx,” New York Times, August 29, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/30/world/asia/30china.html; Li Yuan, “China is deleting poverty, one video at a time,” New York Times, May 8, 2023.

[45] On the fate of the migrant workers see Li Yuan, “After building up China, they have nothing to fall back on,” New York Times, November 1, 2023. On the fate of the SOE workers see Dorothy Solinger, Poverty and Pacification: The Chinese State Abandons the Old Working Class (New York: Rowman& Littlefield, 2022) and Sarosh Kuruvilla et al., From Iron Rice Bowl to Informalization (Ithaca: Cornell, 2011). On the real beneficiaries of the dibao system see Jennifer Pan, Welfare for Autocrats (Oxford: OUP, 2020).

[46] Ding Yi, “China has more billionaires than the U.S. and India combined,” Caixin, February 26, 2020,  https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-02-26/china-has-more-billionaires-than-us-and-india-combined-hurun-report-101520792.html.

[47] Joseph Kahn, “The nation: party of the rich: China’s congress of crony capitalists,” New York Times, November 10, 2022; Su-Lee Wee, “China’s parliament is a growing billionaires club,” New York Times, March 1, 2018.

[48] David Barboza, “Billions in hidden riches for family of Chinese leader,” New York Times, October 25, 2012; “Xi Jinping millionaire relations,” op cit.; “Heirs of Mao’s comrades rise as new capitalist nobility,” Bloomberg, December 26, 2012, www. bloomberg.com/news/2012-12-26/immortals-beget-china-capitalism-from-citic-to-godfather-of-golf.html.

[49] World Bank, GINI Index, 2019, https://www.indexmundi.com/facts/indicators/SI.POV.GINI/rankings; Bert Hofman, “China’s common prosperity drive,” EAI, September 3, 2021, https://research.nus.edu.sg/eai/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/09/EAIC-33-20210903.pdf.

[50] China’s Engine, chapter 6.

[51] Keith Bradsher and Joy Dong, “Suitcases of cash: How China’s money flows out,” New York Times, November 28, 2023.

[52] On illegal CCP cadre income see, again, China’s Engine, chapter 6. For the revelations about Chinese kleptocrats in the Panama Papers see Stuart Lau, “Chinese dominate list of people and firms hiding money in tax havens, Panama Papers reveal,” South China Morning Post, May 10, 2016, www. scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1943463/chinese-dominate-list-people-and-firms-hiding-money-tax-havens-panama; Patti Waldmeir and Tom Mitchell, “Panama Papers: Top officials tied to offshore companies,” CNBC News, April7, 2016, www.cnbc.com/2016/04/07/panama-papers-top-china-leaders-tied-to- offshore-companies.html.

[53] Smith, China’s Engine, 136ff.

[54] Eg. China and the Left: A Socialist Perspective, https://www.codepink.org/chinaandtheleft.

[55] Li Yuan, “China is deleting poverty,” op cit.

[56] Ibid.

[57] Li Yuan, “Chinese grads struggle to find work. Xi shrugs,” New York Times, June 2, 2023.

[58] World Bank, Four Decades of Poverty Reduction in China (Washington D.C., 2022), 2, Figure 1,  https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/bdadc16a4f5c1c88a839c0f905cde802-0070012022/original/Poverty-Synthesis-Report-final.pdf; Indermit Gil, “Deep-sixing poverty in China,” Brookings Institute, January 25, 2021, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2021/01/25/deep-sixing-poverty-in-china/; World Bank, Understanding Poverty, https://www.worldbank.org/en/understanding-poverty.

[59] World Bank, op cit.; Gil, op cit.

[60] Bert Hofman, op cit.; Li Qiaoyi, “600m with $140 monthly income worries top,” Global Times, May 29, 2020, https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1189968.shtml.

[61] World Bank, CIA Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/population-below-poverty-line/;

U.S. Census Bureau, Poverty in the United States: 2021, https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2022/demo/p60-277.html.

[62] October 11, 2023, http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/1011/c90000-20081876.html.

[63] Jonathan Kaiman, “Inside China’s ‘cancer villages’” Guardian, June 4, 2013, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/04/china-villages-cancer-deaths. For a survey of water and soil pollution, and food contamination, see Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 3.

[64] Mark T. Buntaine et al., “Citizen monitoring of waterways decreases pollution in China by supporting government action and oversight,” PNAS, July 12, 2021, https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2015175118.

[65] Shan Jie, “Groundwater 80% polluted,” Global Times, April 12, 2016, https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/978117.shtml.

[66] Jennifer Duggan, “One fifth of China’s farmland polluted,” Guardian, April 18, 2014,  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/chinas-choice/2014/apr/18/china-one-fifth-farmland-soil-pollution.

[67] Bloomberg, “China says land the size of Belgium too polluted to farm,” December 31, 2013, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-12-31/china-says-arable-land-size-of-belgium-too-polluted-for-farming?sref=4KuSK5Q1. See Smith, China’s Engine, 62-64 on the failure of cleanup efforts, notably Lake Tai.

[68] Louise Moon, “China’s parents haunted by melamine baby milk scandal still favour foreign brands,” South China Morning Post, February 22, 2022.

[69] See Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 3 for numerous examples. Also, Orang Wang, Editorial, “Action needed to put a lid on trade in baby milk formula,” South China Morning Post, March 2, 2019, https://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/2188379/action-needed-put-lid-trade-baby-milk-formula?module=hard_link&pgtype=article.

[70] Yanzhong Huang, Toxic Politics: China’s Environmental Health Crisis and its Challenge to the State (Cambridge: CUP, 2020), 31.

[71] Ibid. 32.

[72] Avraham Ebenstein, “Water pollution and digestive cancers in China,” Population Association of America papers, 2009, https://paa2009.populationassociation.org/papers/91541#:~:text=In%20summary%2C%20the%20results%20suggest,effect%20on%20digestive%20cancer%20rates; Tan Ee Lyn, “China’s ‘cancer villages’ bear witness to economic boom,” Reuters, September 16, 2009,https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-china-pollution-cancer/chinas-cancer-villages-bear-witness-to-economic-boom-idUKTRE58G00B20090917.

[73] Yanzhong Huang, “In China, food safety is threatened by an increasingly opaque political system, South China Morning Post, January 10, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/3116884/china-food-safety-threatened-increasingly-opaque.

[74] Climate Action Tracker (CAT), n.d., climateactiontracker.org/China, and climateactiontracker/United States, accessed July 22, 2023; International Energy Agency (IEA). 2021. Global Energy Review 2021. Paris: IEA.www.iea.org/reports/global-energy-review-2021; Larsen, Kate, Hannah Pitt, Mikhail Grant, and Trevor Houser, “China’s greenhouse gas emissions exceeded the developed world for the first time in 2019.’ Research Note, May 6, 2021, Rhodium Group. rhg.com/research/chinas-emissions-surpass-developed-countries; IEA, “Global emissions rebounded to their highest level in history in 2021,” https://www.iea.org/news/global-co2-emissions-rebounded-to-their-highest-level-in-history-in-2021#.

[75] Michon Scott, “Does it matter how much the United States reduces its carbon dioxide emissions if China doesn’t do the same?” Climate.gov, August 30, 2023, https://www.climate.gov/news-features/climate-qa/does-it-matter-how-much-united-states-reduces-its-carbon-dioxide-emissions#:~:text=In%20fact%2C%20at%20China%27s%202021,up%20to%20the%20United%20States.

[76] IEA, Global Energy Review, March 2022, https://www.iea.org/reports/global-energy-review-co2-emissions-in-2021-2#.

[77] UN Environment Program, August 2, 2013, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/press-release/china-outpacing-rest-world-natural-resource-use. See also Elizabeth C. Economy and Michael Levi, By All Means Necessary: How China’s Resource Quest is Changing the World (Oxford: OUP, 2014).

[78] “United States consumption, E-The Environmental Magazine,” September 14, 2012, https://www.blueridgeoutdoors.com/go-outside/united-states-consumption/.

[79] Which I’ve criticized elsewhere, eg., Smith, Green capitalism: The God That Failed (WEA, 2016).

[80] Smith, China’s Engine, xviii-xix.

[81] Steven Lee Myers et al., “How China targets the global fish supply,” New York Times, September 26, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/09/26/world/asia/china-fishing-south-america.html.

[82] Smith, China’s Engine, Introduction.

[83] Smith, China’s Engine, Introduction.

[84] “Smith, “Climate arsonist Xi Jinping: a carbon-neutral economy with a 6% growth rate? Real-World Economics Review, no.94, December 9, 2020, 52, http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue94/Smith94.pdf.

The Meaning of “Moderate Bolshevism”: A Book Review Essay

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Tomsky in the 1920s as head of the trade union movement in Soviet Russia.

Charters Wynn, The Moderate Bolshevik. Mikhail Tomsky from the Factory to the Kremlin, 1880-1936. Chicago, IL.: Haymarket Books, 2023, 457 pages.

Mikhail Tomsky is far from a household name among left-wing activists except for those who have studied the history of the Russian Revolution in some depth. In a very thorough account of the life of Tomsky, the American historian Charters Wynn goes an appreciable distance in reversing that unfortunate situation. As Wynn shows, Tomsky was an important Bolshevik leader as the long-time head of the trade unions and for many years a member of the Political Bureau of the ruling Communist (Bolshevik) party. Wynn does well to emphasize that Tomsky was a working-class Bolshevik. A highly skilled worker who never had a formal higher education, he became an autodidact worker intellectual with a very self-confident presence, oratorical skills, and administrative abilities. (53) Generally considered as a hard-working, modest, and honest leader, party comrades such as Lenin himself appreciated his character and temper. (118)

What was the meaning of Tomsky’s “Moderate” Bolshevism”?

Charters Wynn makes a reasonable case in portraying Tomsky as a “moderate” Bolshevik referring most of all to Tomsky’s cautious political perspective on what the party could and should do as a revolutionary party. Accordingly, Tomsky was not among the Bolshevik leaders who supported Lenin’s revolutionary line vis a vis the provisional government as expressed in his “April Theses.” Similarly, Tomsky, like most Bolshevik leaders including Lenin, tried to avoid and restrain the premature insurrection of workers, soldiers, and sailors in July of 1917. The failure of that rebellion unleashed a great wave of repression that inflicted a very serious blow on the Bolsheviks. Tomsky, who was among the Bolshevik leaders arrested by the Provisional Government, wrote at the time that the success of the counter revolution was, in his opinion, “the direct result of the conciliations, vacillation, and indecision” towards the premature insurrectionists of Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders. But possibly contradicting himself, he nevertheless considered the July uprising a praiseworthy attempt “to expand and deepen the revolution.” (52) Moreover, on the eve of the revolutionary seizure of power in October 1917, Tomsky and other moderates feared that an attempt to seize power could either end in failure, like the July days, or if successful, could provoke a civil war. Like other moderate Bolsheviks, Left Mensheviks and Left SRs, Tomsky favored instead a broad socialist government including all these political parties. But unlike Kamenev and Zinoviev who went public with their criticisms of the planned insurrection, Tomsky only voiced his criticism at party gatherings, and followed Lenin’s lead in the preparations for the seizure of power in Moscow, although without much enthusiasm. (54-55)

In this context, the author tends to downplay the revolutionary possibilities unleashed in several European countries by the imperialist war.  Charters Wynn leaves us in the dark as to whether Tomsky had seriously considered it in weighing the possibility of a continent-wide socialist revolution like the wave of democratic revolutions that took place in Europe in 1848. If we follow the author’s account, it seems that Tomsky did not think about the issue very much, other than to state without any further elaboration that he did not think the masses in the developed west European countries were interested in a socialist revolution.

How shall we then evaluate, in overall terms, Tomsky’s “Bolshevik moderation” before the October revolution, which marked the seizure of power by a mass movement led by the Bolsheviks and Left SRs parties that had massively grown since they took the lead in defeating the right-wing coup led by General Kornilov in August? We can see, with the benefit of hindsight, that Tomsky and his political allies were correct in their fear that the revolution that took place in October might lead to a civil war. But we need to pose the question of whether that danger would have been significantly lower if the kind of all-socialist government advocated by Tomsky and others had come to power. General Kornilov’s failed Coup in August was after all directed against the non-revolutionary government led by Kerensky as well as to groups and political parties to its left.

The Bolsheviks lost the necessary revolutionary gamble that they took in October of 1917, in great part determined by the objective nature and effects of the Civil War (1918-1920) and in great part, by the non-inevitable policy choices that the Bolsheviks made while in power. In that context, Tomsky’s moderation sometimes acquired a different meaning based on the simple notion that a moderate version, let alone the opposition, to a bad revolutionary government policy, is preferable to an unmoderated application of the same. This was certainly the case with Tomsky’s opposition, as a Bolshevik trade union leader, to Trotsky’s advocacy of the militarization of labor during the Civil War, as well as to Stalin’s brutal policies involved in the collectivization of agriculture. In other words, in these instances, Tomsky’s “moderation” helped to oppose anti-socialist and anti-democratic policies.

However, there were several major questions where Tomsky’s “moderation” had the opposite effect of helping to reduce rather than increase the prospects of working-class socialism and democracy. I am referring for example to his successful foreign policy effort, as the chair of the USSR’s trade unions, to develop ties with the European unions, most of which, were under non-communist and anti-communist leadership, and particularly to his important contribution to the creation and development of the Anglo-Russian Committee bringing together the Russian and British unions. Tomsky’s dedication to this task was clearly reinforced by Moscow’s adoption of the United Front policy to organize joint action with working class forces to the right of the Communist parties. The defeat of the German revolution in 1923 had left no doubt that this was the right political course to follow.

The big problem was that the British TUC (Trade Union Council) was not predominantly militant or leftist, let alone Communist in composition, a reality that could only add tremendous strains to Tomsky’s agenda. This became most evident in the 1926 general strike in Great Britain that as Charters Wynn points out “would bring to the breaking point, not only the possibility of achieving international trade-union unity, but the continuation of the Anglo-Russian Committee as well.” (195) Basing itself on totally false claims about the supposed decline of the strike, the TUC called it off after nine days, without even consulting the miners who were at the center of the strike dispute. This turned out to be a disaster with the TUC unions losing more than half a million members. Failing to take proper stock of the situation, Tomsky’s initial reaction was to claim that the aborted strike constituted “the partial moral victory of the proletariat” and it would contribute “toward the ultimate success of the proletarian struggle” in conditions “more favorable than the current ones,” (199-200)  When the Russian leadership quickly changed course and even compelled Tomsky to denounce the actions of the TUC, this, as might have been expected,  clearly outraged the Council. Upset by the hardening attitudes of the Soviet leadership towards the TUC, Tomsky sent the British union leaders a conciliatory letter hoping that the Anglo-Russian Committee would not let differences of opinion with the Soviet government “disturb our co-operative work.” (204) Although Tomsky later denounced the General Council in September 1926, accusing them of “going over to the enemy” with its “bend the knee attitude towards the government,” (207) he would later change his political posture once again at a meeting with the British delegation  in Berlin in the spring of 1927 by accepting all the British demands including the stipulation that both sides refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs in order to ensure the survival of the Anglo-Russian Committee. (208)  Leon Trotsky denounced the “Berlin capitulation” arguing that it was wrong for Tomsky to talk of “unanimity” and “cordial relations” with those who had betrayed, and would again betray, the working class. (209)

Charters Wynn argues that “the evidence indicates that Tomsky acted in good faith. He genuinely sought a working alliance with the Western non-communist left.” (212) But Wynn clearly shows Tomsky’s apparent lack of a long-term vision and his wavering responses to pressures as he was pushed “to and from” by the Russian leadership as well as by the British trade union bureaucracy. Thus, the least that can be said about the net effect of Tomsky’s efforts as a leader of the Soviet cooperation with the British trade unions is that these did not contribute to the development of the militancy and class consciousness of the British labor movement and to the adoption of a cogent internationalist policy by the Soviet Union.

In the end, what is missing from Wynn’s picture is the question of whether Tomsky had, as an important Russian Communist leader in his own right, a thought-out point of view on how his “moderate” political work, whether in terms of the alliance with Western trade union leaders or any other issues, fitted into his overall Communist politics. Tomsky was after all a worker-intellectual who had been an “insider” in the Bolshevik party for a long time and must have been thoroughly familiar with its leading politicians and their often divergent and conflicting politics. It is on this issue that I find the biggest weakness of this otherwise informative and often persuasive book by Charters Wynn. If Tomsky was indeed a “moderate” this surely did not refer only to tactical and even strategic issues but also to the more fundamental politics of the Bolshevik Party. The question then becomes as to how Tomsky concretely differed from and was similar to other Bolshevik tendencies. That is why Wynn repeatedly referring to Trotsky’s “arrogance” and only substantively discussing Trotsky’s advocacy of the militarization of labor during the Civil War – arguably the worst position Trotsky took on any important issue – will not do without at least a brief discussion of Trotsky’s views on permanent revolution, internationalism, and NEP, in relation to which Tomsky may have been a “moderate.” The same applies to Nikolai Bukharin. In spite of Tomsky’s “moderation” and its similarity to Bukharin’s “right-Bolshevik” politics, Wynn does not tell us about the policies Bukharin advocated, for example, towards the peasantry and what Tomsky’s thought about them.

A more sociological class-based approach to Tomsky’s politics is suggested by Wynn’s brief citation of Leon Trotsky to the effect that as a trade-union leader Tomsky “had to deal not only with the vanguard of the working class [namely party members] but with the larger backward strata as well.” (381) Even if brief, Trotsky’s allusion to Tomsky’s politics raises momentous issues regarding the prospects for working class revolution and working-class democratic rule. It assumes that while in opposition, the job of the conscious political minority organized in the revolutionary party is to push for a revolutionary program, and accordingly, conduct propaganda, agitation, and concrete actions to win over the largest possible number of oppressed and exploited people. In her pamphlet on the Russian Revolution written in prison in September 1918, Rosa Luxemburg sharply criticized the parliamentary cretinism of German Social Democracy that claimed that to carry out anything, you must first have a majority. But against that “principle,” Luxemburg argued that “the true dialectic of revolutions, however, stands this wisdom of parliamentary moles on its head: not through a majority through revolutionary tactics, but through revolutionary tactics to a majority – that is the way the road runs.”

One thing the revolutionary party does not have to do at this stage brilliantly analyzed by Rosa Luxemburg, is to govern a society composed of the advanced as well as the “backward” strata of the working class, let alone other social classes and strata supporting, opposing as well as vacillating on its support for the new order. Moreover, if this new order is to be democratic, the vanguard cannot simply act as a sovereign body, disregarding the wishes of other popular forces.

Tomsky and Socialist Democracy

Although generally sympathetic to Tomsky, Charters Wynn points out that the Bolshevik leader was “hardly a voice for pluralism and tolerance” in the power struggles within the party. Amid periods of extreme party infighting, Tomsky not only suggested that his party opponents should be expelled from the organization but also that they deserved to be arrested for such crimes as demoralizing non-party workers or spreading ideas that encouraged them to conspire against the party. Although Wynn tells us that Tomsky would later come to deeply regret such statements, they did undermine his ability, and that of his allies Bukharin and Rykov, to effectively oppose Stalin when the later violently brought the conciliatory policies of NEP to an end. (385) As Wynn explains, Tomsky’s excesses were not limited to the inner party struggles since he also played an important role in the baseless attacks against the so-called bourgeois specialists that reached their peak in the infamous 1928 Shakhty trial conducted against them. (385-86)

Like other leaders of the Communist (Bolshevik) Party, Tomsky feared, in the twenties, that the opposition tendencies within the party ran the risk of splitting the party and even possibly provoking another civil war. Undoubtedly, this contributed to Tomsky caving in and repudiating his politics, particularly at the Sixteenth Party Congress that took place in the summer of 1930. At that Congress, Tomsky distanced himself from the open oppositionists like Trotsky and Zinoviev and denied that he had ever conspired to set up his own faction within the party since any long-term opposition inside the organization would inevitably lead to a struggle against the party itself by its enemies. Nevertheless, the Yugoslav anti-Stalinist Ante Ciliga who was present at the congress, noted that Tomsky’s speech “contained a note of human dignity.” For his part, Leon Trotsky pointed out that “the ruling clique was not mistaken when in the notes of Tomsky’s repentance, it heard a discreet amount of hatred.” (315-318). In the end, recognizing the grim future facing the Soviet Union and himself, Tomsky committed suicide in August of 1936, just as Stalin’s famous “show trials” (1936-38) were beginning, leading to the execution of dozens of the “Old Bolsheviks.” The show trials formed part of the Great Purge of the same years which scholars estimate to have killed 700,000 people.

It is important to note the similar actions of Nikolai Bukharin, a more prominent “moderate” who was the leader of the “Right Opposition” to Stalin. For example, at a Central Committee plenum in January of 1933, Bukharin demanded that Party opposition factions “must be hacked off without the slightest mercy, without [our] being in the slightest troubled by any sentimental considerations concerning the past, personal friendships, relationships, respect for a person, and so forth.” (350) It would be tempting to establish a causal connection between Tomsky’s (and Bukharin’s) “moderation” and their surrender to the calls for “party unity.”  However, few Bolshevik leaders seemed to have been immune to that tendency. Even Leon Trotsky, a much earlier and forthright opponent of the party bureaucracy in general and of Stalin in particular did also fall victim to similar party pressures for “unity.” Thus, at the thirteenth Communist party congress in May 1924, Trotsky accepted the right of the party to discipline him, whether he was mistaken or not, and declared, “Comrades, none of us wants to be or can be right against the party. In the last analysis, the party is always right.” (236)

Cold war scholarship maintained that none of this was surprising considering the supposedly totalitarian nature of Bolshevism both before and after it took power. But, until the early twenties, the Bolshevik party was faction ridden and hardly monolithic and Lenin, far from being the all-powerful and unchallenged chieftain, was only “primus inter pares” within the Bolshevik leadership and was defeated in inner party conflicts on many occasions, a phenomenon that any careful reading of this volume will clearly show.

I would argue that among the main causes for the very tragic developments in Bolshevik politics was the change that took place from the on the one a hand growing Bolshevik party at the head of a rising mass movement in the late summer and early fall of 1917 that encouraged the party to give free democratic rein to the working class and popular movements, particularly in the factories and among the peasant rank and file of the Tsarist army. But, on the other hand, and in contrast to that democratic openness, the Bolshevik leadership became something substantially different during the Civil War (1918-1920.) When faced with its enormous objective difficulties, the Civil War played a central role in in the abandonment and fall of soviet democracy as I showed in ample detail in the first chapter of my book Before Stalinism. The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy (19-61). We must also consider the disastrous policies of War Communism with its vast confiscations of peasant produce that went beyond a mere response to the necessity of feeding the working class and urban population and became what many Communist Party leaders and members saw as an opportunity to implement maximalist Communist goals. One clear effect of War Communism was the opposition of a large part of the same peasantry that had previously supported the October revolution less than a year earlier. It is important to note that the Bolsheviks, like their Menshevik rivals, never had a significant organizational presence among the peasant masses that accounted for approximately 80 percent of the population. At the same time, the working-class industrial base of the country and of the Bolshevik party was sharply reduced by the Civil War destruction and carnage. All these Civil War developments powerfully contributed to the isolation of the party from the great majority of the people of what became the USSR in 1922, and thus to the creation of a state of siege mentality that fatally led to the mainstream Bolshevik conversion of anti-democratic political necessity into virtue. Finally, by 1923, just a few years after the end of the devastating Civil War, the European revolutionary cycle clearly came to an end with the defeat of the German Revolution in 1923, thereby exacerbating the state of siege mentality in party circles.

In that context, Lenin’s New Economic Policy (NEP), established in 1921, and the substantial rise in strikes and industrial conflict that occurred under these new conditions, resulted in a relative improvement in the working-class and peasant standard of living. Although the NEP opened an important degree of economic and cultural liberalization, it was accompanied by a hardening of the political dictatorship with an important number of repressive actions such as the permanent illegalization of parties such as the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries and even the suppression of permanent factions inside the ruling Communist party itself.

Moreover, Lenin’s implementation of the NEP shows that there is a qualitative difference between a revolutionary line insofar as it relates to the consciousness and politics of the working class and its allies, that it is in principle changeable through political education, agitation, and the transformative effects of revolutionary political action; but it is quite a different matter to argue that the same applies to objective circumstances such as the lack of economic development and material scarcity. By itself, revolutionary consciousness cannot create wealth and material well-being for most of the population except in the mind of hyper voluntarists such as Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong and Ernesto (Che) Guevara. Looking back, Guevara even disregarded the reality of the economic crisis in Russia in the early twenties with the astonishing claim that at the time “there was nothing economically impossible.” The only issue to be considered, Guevara added, is whether “something is compatible with the development of socialist consciousness.” (Samuel Farber, The Politics of Che Guevara. Theory and Practice, Haymarket Books, 2016, 91-92)

Thanks are due to Haymarket Books that has performed an important service in publishing another volume of the Historical Materialism Book Series. This volume is considerably enriched by the beautiful cover art and design by David Mabb and includes a substantial number of photographs of the period, many of them new to this reviewer.

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 1

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 1 of a four-part series. Part 2 Part 3 Part 4

China will never modernize until Mr. Confucius is replaced by Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy — Chen Duxiu, 1915[1]

Why should a good society fear that people are going to run away?
If you’re so good, people will be trying to get in, not out. — Fang Lizhi, Chinese scientist, 1986[2]

We don’t want to be slaves!
We want freedom!
We want rights!
We want democracy!
We don’t want dictators, we want to vote!

— Chants by anti-Covid lockdown protestors, Beijing, November 2022[3]

THE “RISE OF CHINA AND DECLINE OF THE WEST” NARRATIVE

American democracy, once the model for the world, is now widely seen as all but broken. No matter how many people get shot each year (deaths from gunshots in the U.S. hit a record 48,830 in 2021 including nearly twice-daily mass shootings, 690 in 2021, another record), the majority of Americans would rather see this continue than ban guns.[4] Gun violence, racism, immigration, inequality, abortion, Trump’s attacks on democracy – on all these issues the public is split, often bitterly. A hundred sixty years after General Lee surrendered at Appomattox we’re still fighting the Civil War. The slaveocracy lost the war but has won the battle for the hearts and minds of the 30-40% of Americans who vote for racist white-supremacist Republicans.[5] Christian fascist anti-feminists (roughly a third of registered voters)[6] carry forward the medieval war against women to control their bodies. The nation whose Stature of Liberty in New York harbor once welcomed immigrants by the millions now builds walls to keep them out; even Biden builds the wall. The American government that led the allied democracies against fascism in World War II, today leads the world in gross hypocrisy backing self-determination for Ukrainians but not for Palestinians, berating Chinese Communist totalitarians but backing Islamic fascist Saudi Arabian princes and dictators around the world. President Biden fought to secure funding for renewable energy but then caved to the fossil fuel lobby and sabotaged his own initiative by approving new drilling and fracking for oil and gas. The deepest systemic divide, of course, and the one that exacerbates all the rest is capital against labor. Faced with such intractable divisions, Congress is paralyzed and can’t find consensus on any of the huge problems we face.  And not only America. Russians have repeatedly elected the wannabe Tsar Vlad the Impaler Putin. Italy recently elected the leader of a neo-fascist party. France could soon elect another. And so on. Not for nothing Noam Chomsky dubs these “Really Existing Capitalist Democracies”— RECD for short.

Compounding the sorry state of Western democracy is the parallel decline of America’s economy with all its consequences: deindustrialization, the collapse of union industrial jobs, the fading American Dream, spreading poverty and homelessness, epidemic drug abuse, rising suicides and falling lifespans. As American companies offshored their industries since 1980, China industrialized and now bids to overtake the United States. Example: since 2008 China has built an entire network of 42,000 kilometers of high-speed trains crisscrossing the country while in the U.S., local battles over property rights and budgets have prevented California from completing the nation’s first line from Los Angeles to San Francisco. Since 2008, China has also built entire subways systems under dozens of cities while New York has yet to complete its 8.5 mile-long 2nd Avenue subway, begun half a century ago in 1972.[7] China is also building the green technology of the future. It has built more solar power farms and windmills than the rest of the world combined. Chinese companies dominate the global market for solar panels, wind turbines, telecom base stations (Huawei), electric vehicles (BYD and others), and EV batteries (CATL), among many other products. Chinese auto exports now exceed those of Japan, dominate Southeast Asia, and “China’s electric vehicles threaten to leave Europe in the dust” according to the Financial Times.[8]

China’s rise illustrates the formidable power of the Communist party-state’s systemic advantage, namely, its ability to strategically organize and manage the state-owned economy while simultaneously coercing large private tech companies into aligning their profit-making goals with the nationalist goals of the party-state in a kind of “whole nation” technological mass mobilization that’s central to Xi’s vision of “Chinese-style modernization” (Zhongguo shi xiandaihua).[9] Favored private companies including electric vehicle and EV battery manufacturers whose businesses align with CP goals to dominate high technology industries, enjoy comprehensive holistic state planning and financial backing. Beijing helped those companies build deeply integrated vertical supply chains for electric car parts aiming to corner the global market in batteries and cars well before the rest of the world, while China’s coerced non-union labor keeps production costs well below Western rivals. Autoworkers in big cities like Shanghai earn about $30,000 a year in pay and benefits. By contrast, in Ford’s U.S. plants workers earn an average of $110,000 a year in pay and benefits (and the UAW just won a contract to increase this by 25%).[10] Beijing has also incentivized consumers to go electric, creating demand alongside supply. Without this kind of coordinated state-backing and “whole-economy” approach it’s difficult to see how U.S. and E.U. auto companies will be able to compete against Chinese cars once those begin flooding into the West.

America’s declining power and influence on the world stage reflects those weaknesses. Biden’s and the EU’s porous sanctions and drip-feed of bows and arrows to Ukraine are failing to deter Putin while his sanctions and denial of cutting-edge technology are failing to force Xi Jinping to lift repression at home or hold back the Chinese economy, or even lessen Western dependence upon China.[11] Indeed, U.S. pressure has only stoked CCP intransigence and determination. Putin and Xi think they’re winning — and they might be right. Xi thinks the United States is in irreversible decline and so he’s seizing the moment to claim global leadership for its own vision of China’s party-state led “superior civilization” as a new model for the world.

Given these trends, before I try to make a case that democracy – not our wretched RECD but a radical eco-socialist democracy – is still the only hope for people and planet, first I want to interrogate Xi’s claims for his alternative, what he calls “Chinese-style modernization” and “Chinese-style civilization.”

I. “Chinese-Style Modernization”— Model for the World?

In what China’s press hailed as a landmark speech on February 7th three days after the Chinese spy balloon was shot down over the South Carolina and in the aftermath of his Covid “double disasters” (the disaster of locking the country down for three years instead of importing vaccines that worked from the West, followed by his chaotic opening up with no preparation resulting in the deaths of an estimated 1-1.6 million Chinese),[12] China’s Communist Party general secretary Xi XJinping ramped up the Party’s ideological war against the West. Building on his triumphalist thesis that the “the East is rising and the West is declining” Xi issued a manifesto for the “Chinese model” that dismisses universal values as racist neo-imperialism and says Western elites are imposing their own version of freedom and democracy on people who want security and stability instead. He says Western democracies are headed for the dustbin of history while Communist China is destined to and deserves to become the leader of a New World Order and model for developing countries because China’s system is morally, economically, and politically superior to the Western capitalist democracies. China, he says, has created “an entirely new form of civilization” combining state-led industrialization with “common prosperity for all people” and “whole-people democracy”[13] while also transitioning to an “ecological civilization.” In his speech Mr. Xi advanced four central propositions about the nature of what he calls “Chinese-style modernization”[14]

  1. China’s experience has debunked the myth that modernization = Westernization. Chinese modernization is a socialist modernization led by the Chinese Communist Party, not a capitalist modernization . . . [It] has abandoned the multi-party system . . . and the old path of capital-centered Western modernization. . . Chinese modernization is . . . not a modernization of dependence on others . . . [It] is neither a simple application of the template envisioned by the classic Marxist writers, nor a reprint of the socialist practice of other countries, nor a copy of foreign modernization, but . . . always insists on independence, self-reliance and self-improvement [and] on putting the fate of our development and progress firmly in its own hands. . . Chinese modernization is comprehensive, systematic, coordinated, lasting, and superior (youyuexing). . . [made possible by] major innovations in the theory and practice of world modernization.
  2. [W]e have completed in decades the industrialization process that had taken developed Western countries hundreds of years. [We] have created a miracle of rapid economic development and long-term social stability . . . The success of Chinese modernization, which accounts for one-fifth of the world’s population . . . is an unprecedented feat in human history, breaking the monopoly of the Western model that has dominated the world since modern times, and shattering the Western myth that modernization can only be achieved by following the capitalist modernization model, which will definitely . . . reshape the pattern of world modernization. . .
  3. Chinese modernization is a modernization of common prosperity for all people, not [just] for a few. Western modernization is a modernization dominated by capital and profit, the impoverishment of the proletariat and the division between rich and poor have filled the whole society . . . In sharp contrast, . . . [w]e insist on making the realization of people’s aspiration for a better life the starting and ending points of modernization, focusing on maintaining and promoting social justice, on promoting common prosperity for all people, and on resolutely preventing polarization. . . [and] the problem of absolute poverty has been solved, . . . creating a miracle in the history of human poverty reduction.
  4. Chinese-style modernization is a modernization in which man and nature live in harmony, not a modernization dominated by anthropocentrism. Nature is the basic condition for human survival and development. Man and nature are a community of life. Endlessly asking for nature or even destroying it is bound to be retaliated by nature. [It] is not possible to build a modernized country by taking the old path of the United States and Europe, and that there are not enough Earths for Chinese people to consume. The old way, to consume resources, to pollute the environment, cannot be sustained! Respecting nature, conforming to nature, and protecting nature are the inherent requirements of building a socialist modern country . . . Therefore, [we] plan development from the perspective of harmonious coexistence between man and nature. . . [and] insist on sustainable development.

II. China’s impressive accomplishments

China’s people are justifiably proud of their hard-won economic development. At the outset of Deng Xiaoping’s Market Reform and Opening in 1978, China was a poor, stagnant, and isolated semi-agrarian “socialism-in-poverty” with a per capita income just two-thirds that of India ($156 vs. $206). In the four decades from 1978 to 2018, China’s annual GDP growth averaged 9.5 percent, a pace described by the World Bank as “the fastest sustained expansion by a major economy in history.” The drivers of that growth were mainly two: First, Deng’s decollectivization of agriculture gave China’s farmers the freedom to organize farm production on their own, and to produce over-plan and sideline crops (vegetables, fruit, fish, chickens and pigs, etc.) for market. He also permitted local governments to establish market-oriented “township and village enterprises” (TVEs), and, crucially, relaxed controls over mobility permitting farmers to give up farming altogether or let their children migrate to the towns and cities to find non-farm employment (though even today they’re still tethered to their place of birth for access to schools, health care, etc. See the discussion of hukou below). In the first decade of reform, the gross value of farm output more than doubled and TVE output grew 14-fold. In result, by the mid-1980s China could end its “shortage economy,” discontinue rationing of meat and other foods, clothes and other basic consumer goods, and China’s farmers achieved a modest prosperity, for a time. By 1991 rural industries accounted for a third of the country’s industrial output and earned 20 percent of foreign exchange.[15]

Second, Deng established an archipelago of coastal Special Economic Zones (SEZs) where foreign investors and companies imported modern technology, knowhow, and capital to combine with ultra-cheap Chinese labor in export-oriented joint ventures with Chinese State-owned Enterprises (SOEs). The government built the ports, roads, rails, telecom and other infrastructure and imposed rigorous police control of the growing ex-farm migrant labor force. The foreign-invested industrial zones began with manufacturing cheap toys, clothes, shoes, toasters, hand tools, textiles and so on, produced by remorseless exploitation of labor, including child labor, forced overtime, police state strikebreaking, and suppression of all efforts at unionization. By the 1990s and 2000s, as foreign investment poured into the SEZs, they moved up to producing machine tools, vehicles, high-end electronic goods, aircraft parts, etc. and China became the “workshop of the world.” SEZ industrial production became the main engine of China’s rise and supplied virtually all new technology. By 2011 the SEZs accounted for 22% of China’s GDP, 46% of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), 60% of exports, and generated tens of millions of jobs.[16]

Those engines of economic growth and exports enabled hundreds of millions of Chinese to lift themselves out of poverty, to extend life expectancy to 76 from 65 in 1980, to create an urban middle class roughly equal in size to the entire population of the United States, to renovate and modernize its cities and build much of the most impressive infrastructure seen anywhere in the world.[17] By the mid-2010s, China had become an industrial juggernaut producing 50% of the world’s major industrial goods. By 2022 China’s per capita income was nearly 6 times that of India’s ($12,720 vs. $2,389) and China had become a solid upper-middle income country, just shy of the World Bank’s definition of a high-income country.[18] Today China is the world’s second-largest economy, largest manufacturer, largest merchandise trader, and largest holder of foreign exchange reserves. In short, China’s industrialization and economic modernization must count as one of the most impressive feats in economic history. Oh, and Chinese parents don’t worry that their children will get shot at school.

III. CCP “feudal-fascist” political rule stunts the country’s modernization

Yet this article contends that notwithstanding those achievements, the Confucian-Stalinist Chinese Communist Party has severely stunted China’s modernization in order to maintain the power, privilege and surplus extraction system of the Stalinist bureaucratic collectivist (or what Chinese leftists have called a “feudal-fascist” or “social-fascist”) ruling class.[19] Modernization is not reducible to industrialization nor even to raising living standards though those are obviously essential.[20] Nor is it compatible with feudal-fascist police-state rule. In this essay I argue with Chen Duxiu, the co-founder and first secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party (till he was expelled from the Party in 1929 by Stalin) and Chinese physicist Fang Zhili (exiled by Deng Xiaoping in 1989 for supporting the democracy movement) that China will never become a truly modern, let alone a socialist society, let alone model for the world, without “science and democracy.”

“What modernization means to me,” Fang observed in 1986 “is complete openness, the removal of restrictions in every sphere.”[21] Those restrictions could not be removed, in Fang’s view, without securing human rights and democracy: “In China we talk about human rights as if they were something fearful, a terrible scourge. . . Over the last thirty years it seemed that every one of these good words – liberty, equality, fraternity, democracy, human rights – was labeled bourgeois by our propaganda. What on earth did that leave for us? If anything we should outdo bourgeois society and surpass its performance in human rights, not try to deny that human rights exist.”[22]

From the 15th century on, European Renaissance, Scientific Revolution and Enlightenment modernizing thinkers struggled to overcome the socio-political, economic and cultural restraints of the old feudal social order and Catholic religious obscurantism and intolerance. The motor of modernization was the struggle to win the “rights of man” and “rights of women”: personal freedom, free agency, freedom to think, to challenge authorities, to write and create. Without the achievement of political democracy to guarantee those freedoms and rights there could have been no scientific advancement, no capitalist Industrial Revolution, and no modernization.

China’s own brilliant if short-lived May 4th era enlightenment movement was similarly born in struggle against the shackles of the old quasi-feudal agrarian regime, the absolutist monarchy, and the totalitarian cultural restraints on individual freedom of feudal-patriarchal Confucianism.[23] In the Confucianism social order there was no conception of individual rights, only obligations: the obligation of the son, daughter, and wife to the father/husband, the obligation of younger sons to subordinate themselves to older brothers, the obligation of the family to the state, and the obligation of all to worship the emperor. Every Chinese was required perform ritual rites in the home and at temples to reaffirm their fidelity to these obligations, to venerate their ancestors, and to praise the emperor du jour.[24] In the early twentieth century, New Culture movement essayist and social critic Lu Xun scathingly attacked patriarchy, emperor worship and the whole stifling hierarchy of fixed roles and obligations and called for “complete Westernization.” Feminist Ding Ling wrote and fought for the emancipation of women. Philosopher Hu Shi promoted the scientific method, pragmatism, skepticism, liberalism and democracy. In 1918, Peking University dean Chen Duxiu, the leading enlightenment intellectual and future chief founder of the Communist Party, wrote in New Youth, the journal he founded in 1915, that “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy” were the only two gentlemen who could “save China from the political, moral, academic, and intellectual darkness in which it finds itself.”[25] Even the 26-year old Mao Zedong, rebelling against his own Confucian father, caustically attacked the hypocrisy and constraints of the patriarchal family, passionately giving voice to the bitter lives and sorrows of students, women, and workers: “We are students. . . the professors lock us up like prisoners [and] forcibly impregnate our minds with a lot of stinking corpse-like dead writings full of classical allusions.” “We are women . . . also human beings, so why won’t they let us participate in social intercourse, in politics? . . .  All day long they talk about something called being ‘a worthy mother and a good wife.’ What is this but teaching us to prostitute ourselves indefinitely to the same man?” “’Temples to virtuous women’ are scattered all over the place, but where are the ‘pagodas to chaste men’?” And so on.[26]

Xi’s “new type civilization” is the opposite of all this. Instead of enlightenment, emancipation, freedom, critical thinking, science and democracy, Xi’s Chinese-style modernization shrouds political, moral, academic and intellectual life in suffocating darkness, thought control, universal repression and mental imprisonment behind his Great Firewall. Xi offers few specifics about what his new model civilization will look like.[27] But he’s crystal clear about what it won’t look like.

The “7 don’t speaks”

Shortly after he took office in November 2012 the Central Committee issued its infamous jeremiad Document 9 that warned against “seven political perils” that threatened CCP rule:[28] 

  1. Promoting Western Constitutional Democracy: an attempt to undermine the current leadership and the socialism with Chinese characteristics system of governance.
  2. Promoting “universal values” in an attempt to weaken the theoretical foundations of the Party’s leadership.
  3. Promoting civil society in an attempt to dismantle the ruling party’s social foundation.
  4. Promoting Neoliberalism, attempting to change China’s Basic Economic System.
  5. Promoting the West’s idea of journalism, challenging China’s principle that the media and publishing system should be subject to Party discipline.
  6. Promoting historical nihilism, trying to undermine the history of the CCP and of New China.
  7. Questioning Reform and Opening and the socialist nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The document foretold the Xi’s “new era” of permanent crackdown: mass arrests and imprisonment of human rights lawyers, suppression of independent media, banning of foreign textbooks, suppression of the teaching of English in schools and smartphone apps, firings and arrests of academics, arrests and indefinite imprisonment of Marxist and Maoist students, trade unionists, environmentalists, the “Feminist Five,” and independent thinkers that began in 2013 and continues to this day.

In February 2016 Xi ordered news media run by the Communist Party to strictly follow the Party’s leadership and focus on “positive reporting”:

All news media run by the Party must work to speak for the Party’s will and its positions and protect the Party’s authority and unity. They should enhance their awareness to align their ideology, political thinking and deeds to those of the CPC Central Committee and help fashion the Party’s theories and policies into conscious action by the general public while providing spiritual enrichment to the people.[29]

The next year he expressed his conception of pervasive control in sixteen characters: “Government, military, society, schools, north, south, east, west—the Party leads them all.” And again, “The Party must control all tasks.”[30]

With critical thinking outlawed, “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era” was inscribed in the Party’s constitution in 2017 and all party members were instructed to diligently study it. In 2018, the Party’s so-called “term limits” were abolished, freeing Xi to rule for life.

In July 2021, the Central Committee launched a campaign to spread Xi’s thought throughout  society to enhance the people’s “sense of political, ideological, theoretical and emotional identification” with Xi’s ideology.[31] In the fall, “Xi Jinping Thought “student readers” were prescribed for all primary and secondary schools and universities introduced courses in it.[32] Companies were ordered to “combine ideological and political work with daily production, operation, management and human resources development” so employees can “resolve ideological doubts, quell spiritual worries, quench cultural thirst and relieve psychological pressure,” according to the Ministry of Education.[33]

On March 3rd this year the government announced that henceforth in law schools, professors teaching foreign law will have to “submit their course syllabuses for approval” to certify that “Guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era this course places a focus on every aspect of students’ moral education.”[34] Bloomberg reports that even bankers are now compelled to spend as much as a third of their workdays in study sessions pouring over the often-arcane phrasings of Xi Jinping, reading as many as four of his books a month.[35] The New York Times’ Li Yuan spoke with dozens of professionals who, fed up with the CCP, have emigrated, mostly to Europe and the US. One, formerly an engineer at a state-owned defense tech company said he found that “after the constitutional amendment [abolishing term limits for Xi Jinping], he and his colleagues spend more time participating in study sessions than working, forcing everyone to work overtime.” Another, who worked in artificial intelligence at Baidu and Alibaba, two of China’s big tech companies, said he decided to leave China after the government abolished term limits: “I will not go back until it becomes democratic and people can live without fear.”[36]

Xi dispenses “truth” from above like a medieval pope to be memorized and chanted as from a Catholic liturgy while venerating “our fine traditional culture stretching back to antiquity [and] the wisdom of Chinese civilization”[37] (viz. the same “Four Olds”: old feudal customs, culture, habits, and ideas that Mao trenchantly attacked). He has all but erased civil society, crushed independent thought, partyized private businesses and religions, eliminated non-party organizations, and blurred China’s history in a fog of national amnesia. So tight is the Party’s grip on the minds of ordinary Chinese these days that as Beijing-born and bred writer Mengyin Lin writes, many Chinese have virtually “lost their ability to think and speak anything at all beyond partyspeak,” citing her own mother whom she says “no longer possessed a private language.”[38] This is the Party that bids to lead the world?

In Part 2 of this essay, I deconstruct Mr. Xi’s bogus history of China’s rise and the alleged superiority of the “Chinese model.” In Part 3 I introduce the conceptions of democratic modernization advanced by China’s leading dissident intellectuals, Chen Duxiu, Fang Zhili and Wei Jingshen together with those of the eminent Indian philosopher Amartya Sen. In Part 4 I conclude with an argument for democratic ecosocialism as the only viable alternative to the Communist Party’s drive to socio-political and ecological collapse.

 Notres:

[1] Eric Fish, “1919 to 2019: A century of youth protest and ideological conflict around May 4,” SupChina, May 1, 2019, https://supchina.com/2019/05/01/a-century-of-youth-protest-and-ideological-conflict-around-may-4/.

[2] Fang Lizhi, Bringing Down the Great Wall (New York: Norten, 1990), 160.

[3] Nectar Gan and Selina Wang, “At the heart of China’s protests against zero-Covid, young people cry for freedom, CNN, November 28, 2022,   https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/28/china/china-protests-covid-political-freedom-intl-hnk-mic.

[4] Mass shootings are defined as shooting four or more persons. Gun Violence Archive 2023, https://www.gunviolencearchive.org; Jeffrey M. Jones, “Public believes American have right to own guns,” Gallup, March 27, 2008, https://news.gallup.com/poll/105721/public-believes-americans-right-own-guns.aspx.

[5] Heather Cox Richardson, How the South Won the Civil War (Oxford, OUP, 2020); John Gramlich, “What the 2020 electorate looks like by party, race and ethnicity, age, education and religion,” Pew Research Center, October 26, 2020,  https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/10/26/what-the-2020-electorate-looks-like-by-party-race-and-ethnicity-age-education-and-religion/.

[6] Chris Hedges, “Christian fascism is right here, right now: After Roe, can we finally see it?” Salon, June 28, 2022, https://www.salon.com/2022/06/28/christian-fascism-is-right-here-right-now-after-roe-can-we-finally-see-it/.

[7] David Dodwell, “UK high-speed rail fiasco: the West has much to learn from China in building infrastructure,” South China Morning Post, October 6, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3236963/uk-high-speed-rail-fiasco-west-has-much-learn-china-building-infrastructure?module=AI_Recommended_for_you_In-house&pgtype=homepage?registerSource=loginwall.

[8] Keith Bradsher, “China’s E.V.s race ahead,” New York Times, October 6, 2023; June Yoon, “China’s electric vehicles threaten to leave Europe in the dust,” Financial Times, October 3, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5f385b83-18d6-44da-891d-4c09c1360fff; Anjani Trivedi, “How China’s car batteries conquered the world,” Bloomberg, December 2, 2021,  https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-12-02/how-china-s-car-batteries-conquered-the-world?sref=4KuSK5Q1.

[9] Max J. Zenglein and Jacob Gunter, MERICS, October 2023, 9, “The party knows best. Aligning economic actors with China’s strategic goals,” October 12, 2023, https://www.merics.org/en/report/party-knows-best-aligning-economic-actors-chinas-strategic-goals; Matthew Johnson, “The CCP absorbs China’s private sector,” Hoover Institution, Stanford University, September 3, 2023,  https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/Hvr_JohnsonEssay_CPP_web.pdf.

[10] Keith Bradsher, “China’s E.V. threat: a carmaker that loses $35,000 a car,” New York Times, October 5, 2023.

[11] Editors, “Huawei’s revenge,” Bloomberg Business Week, October 2, 2023. 14-17; Trip Mickle et al., “Big chip makers push back on Biden’s limits on sale of semiconductors to China,” New York Times, October 8, 2023; Rhyandnon Bartlett-Imadegawa et al., “EU struggles to limit China’s involvement in sensitive tech areas,” Nikkei Asia, October 11, 2023, https://reduced.to/iithw.

[12] James Glanz et al., “How deadly was China’s Covid wave?” New York Times, February 15, 2023.

[13] Xinhua, “China: democracy that works,” December 4, 2021, http://www.news.cn/english/2021-12/04/c_1310351231.htm.

[14] As of this writing, the full text of his February 7th talk has not been released. Here I quote verbatim excerpts from Xi’s talk entitled “Chinese-style modernization presents a new modernization model” as reported by Wu Zhicheng, Vice President and Professor, Institute of International Strategic Studies, Central Party School (National Academy of Administration), in China Diplomacy, February 14, 2023, http://cn.chinadiplomacy.org.cn/2023-02/14content_85105140.shtml (my translations), and from Xinlu Liang, “Xi Jinping hails China modernization miracle as path for developing countries.” South China Morning Post, February 8, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/vnv5skkb.

[15] Deng’s market reforms boosted farm output to an extent. But as the government has refused to privatize farmland, because its higher priorities are to limit migration to the cities and utilize land as it sees fit (to clear it for roads, rails, ports, factories, new cities, etc.), farm consolidation, investment, and mechanization have all been discouraged with the result that farming remains a low-productivity, low-profit sector. On this see my “Chinese road to capitalism,” New Left Review (May-June 1993), 63 and 86. For a concise overview of China’s post-1978 industrialization see Yi Wen, China’s rapid rise: from backward agrarian society to industrial powerhouse in just 35 years,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, June 16, 2016,  https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/regional-economist/april-2016/chinas-rapid-rise-from-backward-agrarian-society-to-industrial-powerhouse-in-just-35-years.

[16] Douglas Zhihua Zeng, “China’s Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters: Success and Challenges,” World Bank, April 27, 2011, https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/china-s-special-economic-zones-and-industrial-clusters-success-and-challenges.

[17] Eg. “Why is China so good at building high-speed railways and the rest of the world not?” Youtube, November 21, 2018, ttps://tripbytrip.org/2018/11/21/video-why-is-china-so-good-at-building-high-speed-railways-and-the-rest-of-the-world-not/.

[18] World Bank, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD?locations=CN; Iori Kawate, “China’s economy sputters just shy of high-income status,” Nikkei Asia, March 1, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/3jrsur9a.

[19] See Wei Jingsheng quoted below in Part 3, and Chen Erjin, China Crossroads Socialism (London: Verso, 1984), chapter 1. For an explanation of Mao’s synthesis of Confucianism and Stalinism, see my “On contradiction: Mao’s party-substitutionist revolution in theory and practice,” Part 3, New Politics, July 1, 2022  https://newpol.org/on-contradiction-maos-party-substitutionist-revolution-in-theory-and-practice-part-3/.

[20] Michael Karadjis, “Is China socialist because it reduced poverty? New Politics, Vol XIX No.1, Summer 2022,  https://newpol.org/issue_post/is-china-socialist-because-it-reduced-poverty/.

[21] Fang, op cit. 158.

 [22] Ibid, 166-67.

[23] Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment (Berkeley, UC Press, 1990).

[24] Patricia Buckley Ebray, Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Yonghua Liu, Confucian Rituals and Chinese Villagers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).

 [25] Fish, op cit.

[26] Mao, “The great union of the popular masses (July 21, 1919), Mao’s Road to Power, Stuart R. Schram ed. (London: Routledge, 1992), Vol. 1, 382-83.

[27] Though there is this: Alexandra Stevenson, “China’s male leaders signal to women that their place is in the home,” New York Times, November 3, 2023.

[28] “Document 9: a China File translation,” ChinaFile, November 8, 2013, https://www.chinafile.com/document-9-chinafile-translation#start.

[29] Xinhua, “China’s Xi underscores CPC’s leadership in news reporting,” February 19, 2016: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-02/19/c_135114305.htm.

[30] Nectar Gan, “Xi Jinping Thought—the Communist Party’s tighter grip on China in 16 characters,” South China Morning Post, October 25, 2017, www.scmp.com/ news/china/policies-politics/article/2116836/xi-jinping-thought-communist-partys-tighter-grip-china; Chris Buckley and Steven C. Meyers, “China’s leader says Party must control ‘all tasks’ and Asian markets slump,” New York Times, December18,2018,www.nytimes.com/2018/12/18/world/asia/xi-jinping-speech- china.html.

[31] Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan yinfa “guanyu xin shidai jiaqiang he gaijin sixiang zhengzhi gongzuo de yijia” [Central Committee of the Communist Party and State Council issued the “Opinions on Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Work in the New Era”], Xinhuanet.com, July 12, 2023, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2021-07/12/c_1127647536.htm.

[32] See “2023: Xi thought on grad school entrance exams,” David Cowhig’s Translation Blog, November 11, 2023, https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2023/11/10/2023-xi-thought-on-grad-school-entrance-exams/.

[33] Nectar Gan, “Chinese people ordered to think like Xi as Communist Party aims to tighten control,” CNN, July 16, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/07/16/china/ccp-ideological-political-work-mic-intl-hnk/index.html.

[34] “China tells foreign law professors to prove they’ll obey Xi,” Bloomberg, March 3, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-03-03/china-tells-foreign-law-professors-to-prove-they-ll-obey-xi?sref=4KuSK5Q1. (my italics). For a deeper discussion of this topic, see “2022: Party pragmatism, party totalitarianism, and rocks in the river,” David Cowhig’s Translation Blog, December 15, 2022, https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2022/12/15/2022-party-pragmatism-party-totalitarianism-and-rocks-in-the-river/.

[35] “Bankers forced to study Xi’s Thoughts as party tightens grip,” August 7, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-08-08/bankers-forced-to-study-xi-s-thoughts-as-party-tightens-grip?sref=4KuSK5Q1.

[36] Li Yuan, “China is suffering a brain drain. The U.S. isn’t exploiting it.” New York Times, October 3, 2023.

[37] Xinhua, “Xi stresses building modern Chinese civilization,” speech to the State Council, June 2, 2023,  https://english.www.gov.cn/news/202306/02/content_WS6479f528c6d0868f4e8dc96b.html.

[38] Mengyin Lin, “An iron grip has stunted Chinese discourse,” New York Times, February 13, 2023.

 

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