Obstacles to Palestinian-Israeli Peace

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If Al-Qaeda and ISIS were the indirect products of the policies of US imperialism, Hamas is a direct product of Israel. A glimpse into the painful history of 75 years of conflicts and confrontations between Israel and Palestinians helps one better understand the latest Hamas/Israeli fighting that started on October 7, 2023.

The origins of the Palestinian movement

Prior to the establishment of the state of Israel, Palestinians were overpowered from two sides: the British, and militant Zionist groups. Following the creation of the state of Israel in 1948, about 700 thousand Palestinians were displaced and sought refuge in the West Bank and Gaza, and in neighboring countries. They formed several organizations in exile, most notably the Arab National Movement (ANM) in 1951, emphasizing Arab unity, secularism, socialism and later Marxism. Influenced by the Baathist and later Nasserist Arab nationalisms, ANM went through several phases and splits, eventually focusing solely on Palestine, establishing the National Front for the Liberation of Palestine (NFLP). Internal strife led to more splits, including the creation of the Popular Front (PFLP) led by George Habash, and the Democratic Front (PDFLP) led by Nayef Hawatimah. These organizations and their subsequent offshoots, as well as Fatah, formed by Yasser Arafat in 1959, and eventually the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in 1965, were largely secular, nationalist, and some socialist and Marxist, though of course they also had religious elements among them.

Early Palestinian organizations were weakened for reasons other than their conflicts with Israel. Initially, they came under the influence of Baathist nationalism which led to splits and rivalries in the Syrian and Iraqi sectors. Then, with the growing influence of Gamal Abdel Nasser, especially after his so-called victory in the Suez War of 1956, they were largely influenced and controlled by Nasserism. Many received military training in Egypt, but up until the 1967 June war, while Nasser was preparing his army for war with Israel, he prevented the Palestinian combatants from engaging with the Israeli army before the Egyptian army was fully prepared. Following the defeat of the Arab armies, the Palestinian movement, followed in the footsteps of the Algerian liberation movement, and to some extent their Yemeni counterpart, and tried to act independently.

Following the humiliating defeat of Arab armies in 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank/East Jerusalem, Gaza, Sinai, and the Golan Heights, Israel’s main preoccupation was curtailing Palestinian guerrilla attacks and incursions on Israel’s new frontiers. The war led to some three hundred thousand new refugees fleeing to neighboring countries. In 1970, King Hussein of Jordan, frustrated with the increased activities and interventions of Palestinian organizations in Jordanian affairs, carried out a large-scale massacre and forced many to seek refuge in Syria and Lebanon. The PLO headquarters moved to Lebanon. In 1972, the ultra-militant Black September group that had emerged from the conflicts between Jordan and the PLO took Israeli athletes hostage during the Munich Olympics, leading to the deaths of all the hostages and the hostage takers.

By the early 1970s, parts of the Palestinian movement including Fatah, which through its armed wing Al-Asifa had organized the first guerrilla attacks inside Israel in 1964, had reached the conclusion that the military defeat of Israel was not possible and they had to find alternative ways to achieve their goal, including on the public relations front which saw the opening of offices in European countries. Starting in 1972, Mossad, concerned about this Palestinian initiative, and angered by the massacre of the Israeli athletes and other guerrilla actions, resorted to assassinations of prominent Palestinian figures, among them intellectuals, artists, professors and jurists in Europe, many of whom were ironically supporters of peaceful resolutions; notable amongst them were the poet and journalist Ghassan Kanafani, poet Wail Zweiter, economist Mahmoud Hamshahri, Fatah’s representative in Paris, law professor Basil Al-Kubaissi, and poet Kamal Nasser.

The 1973 October war brought many changes to the region including international efforts to forge peace between Arab states and Israel, and finding a way to attend to the Palestinian cause. 1974 saw a suspected split of the Fatah organization, the Fatah Revolutionary Command led by Abu Nidal, a terrorist organization that violently killed or injured hundreds of civilians in different countries. It also assassinated several prominent Palestinian leaders, and since it carried the name Fatah, it caused a great deal of damage to the efforts of Fatah aimed at improving international perceptions of the Palestinian movement. When in 1982 Ariel Sharon was preparing to invade Lebanon to expel Palestinians, the Abu Nidal group attempted to assassinate the Israeli ambassador in London; even though Mossad presumably knew full well that Nidal had nothing to do with Arafat’s Fatah, the Israeli army invaded Lebanon and through massive bombardments forced the PLO to once again change its base, this time out of the immediate region, to Tunisia.

The Arrival of the Islamists

In 1973, Sheikh Ahmad Yassin, a fundamentalist Islamic cleric – himself a Palestinian refugee in Gaza who had been expelled along with his family at the age of 12, and had received some education at Egypt’s Al-Azhar University – formed a charity called Mujama al-Islamiya. His objective was to spread his obscurantist religious views in the poverty-stricken and overcrowded Gaza Strip. As he gained followers, he also garnered support from the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and was able to establish new mosques. The group launched sporadic attacks on secular and progressive Palestinians, burned down cinemas, murdered sex workers and forced hijab on women in their neighbourhoods. With greater influence, they took over the Islamic University of Gaza and fired secular progressive faculty and students.

Israel, which had full control of Gaza since 1967 had continuously been hit hard by secular forces, and decided to fuel internal conflicts among the Palestinians by strengthening the Islamists and helping Sheikh Yassin’s “charity”, formally recognizing it in 1979.

In 1981 another Islamist group, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a split from Egyptian Jihad (which had assassinated Anwar Sadat) and encouraged by the emergence of the Islamic republic in Iran, called for the establishment of an Islamic state in Palestine on the pre-1948 borders. In 1984, Israel learned that Sheikh Yassin’s supporters were hiding weapons in mosques and arrested him, although he was later released through a prisoner exchange. Since then, conflicts between the Palestinian Islamists and Israel have only intensified.

At the inception of the first Intifada in 1987, Sheikh Yassin and Abdelaziz Rantissi, a fundamentalist physician and a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, created the Islamic Resistance Organization, HAMAS, with the aim of establishing an Islamic state in Palestine. During the first Intifada (1987-1993), in the absence of the PLO which had been expelled from the region, Hamas quickly gained influence and created its military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigade. As peace talks between Israel and Palestine began in the early 1990s and led to the Oslo Accords, Hamas opposed and confronted the PLO on the subject, and to make matters worse parts of the Palestinian left, including the influential Popular Front, who were also against the peace talks, collaborated with Hamas.

In 2004, Sheikh Yassin was assassinated by Israel and Rantissi succeeded him, though he would be killed a month later.  Hamas survived the loss of its founding leaders and grew in popularity, expanding its social influence, building new mosques (there were 1,080 mosques in Gaza before the current war), and starting to dominate different aspects of Gazan society, including in universities and colleges, silencing and expelling non-believer faculty and students.

Concerned about the monster that it and its allies had created, Israel unilaterally decided to evacuate Jewish settlements in Gaza in 2005, moving them to the West Bank, and totally encircling the strip by land, air, and sea, turning it into the largest prison in the world.

In the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council elections, Hamas gained more seats than the PLO and formed a joint government. Israel refused to recognize the results. The internal divisions eventually led Hamas to engage in a coup d’état against the PLO and since 2007 it has ruled the Gaza Strip. At the same time, Israel, claiming that the UN relief agency for refugees, UNRWA, was under the influence of Hamas, pushed the United States, Canada, and some other allies to cut funding. This misguided policy significantly helped Hamas, as Gazans became more radicalized and dependent on Hamas’ charitable services.

Hamas, despite its anti-Shia ideology, got closer to Hezbollah in Lebanon, found a base there and gained the support of the Islamic regime in Iran. With the beginning of the Syrian civil war, however, Hamas, unlike Islamic Jihad which had closer relations with Hezbollah and the Iranian regime, refused to support the Assad forces and was expelled from Lebanon. But, with the continuation of the conflicts in Syria, Hamas’ relations and support from Iran improved, and reestablished its bases in Lebanon.

With the Palestinian movement divided into two separate entities, the turbulent and chaotic Gaza under Hamas rule and the relatively tame West Bank under the Palestinian Authority (PA), Israel adopted a dual policy, that I have discussed elsewhere. While forcefully reacting to Hamas incursions and rockets and heavily bombing Gaza in successive wars of 2008-9, 2012, 2014 and beyond, Israel used Hamas as an excuse to advance its own overall expansionist policies towards Palestinians. In the West Bank, it supported Palestinian “self-government,” which acted as a sort of colonial state run by local rulers; out of about 155,000 PA employees, about 60,000 are in security and policing. In the West Bank also, Israel facilitated the expansion of Palestinian cities like Ramallah, where the new middle classes working in government and in a wide range of foreign-funded NGOs have found relatively prosperous lives and despite dissatisfaction with Israeli occupation, are not willing to risk their newly-gained status. The working class, working in small and medium industries and construction, live and work in insecure economic conditions, as do the farmers and traditional middle classes. While Israel continues its expansion of illegal Jewish settlements, the most bitter irony is seeing long lines of Palestinian workers at the entrances of these settlements, looking for work on construction sites or on settlers’ farms.

Aside from Palestinian religious organizations, there have also been other Islamist groups that have been drawn into the Palestinian/Israeli conflicts. Two of these are based in Lebanon. One is Amal, originally formed in 1974 in response to the plight of the country’s Shia minority and coming into conflict with Israel after the latter’s first major invasion of Lebanon in 1978. The other is the Lebanese Hezbollah, formed with the help of the Islamic regime of Iran after Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and which fought a war with Israel in 2006.

In short, along this long path, the Palestinian movement was severely weakened. With the growing strength of Jewish fundamentalists and right-wing political currents and the growing weaknesses of both the left and liberal forces in Israel and among Palestinians, the “Palestinian question” appeared to be fading, to such an extent that the Trump administration initiated the Abraham Accords, hoping to bring all Arab autocracies and Israel together. However, the October 2023 Hamas attack and Israel’s response, once again attracted the world’s attention to the unresolved Palestinian problems.

The Accumulated and unresolved problems

The main problems following the establishment of the State of Israel can be grouped into several categories, none of which were ever seriously dealt with in the numerous “peace” negotiations.

Displacements and Refugees

During the first war (1947-49), about 700,000 of Palestinians living in Palestine were displaced and sought refuge in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring countries of Jordan, Syria, Egypt, and Iraq; more than 400 Palestinian villages and cities were evacuated at the time.  Meanwhile, an increasing number of Jews arrived in Israel from Europe, Asia, and Africa. The UN created UNRWA to take care of Palestinian refugees, and General Assembly Resolution 194 called for their right of return. In the subsequent wars, especially in 1967 and 1973, hundreds of thousands more were added to the refugee populations.

Today more than 5.5 million Palestinians are registered with the UN. About 1.5 million of them live in UNRWA refugee camps, under very difficult conditions; some of the camps house more than 100.000 people in extremely limited spaces. In Jordan, which has the largest number of refugees, many have obtained  Jordanian citizenship. In Syria and particularly in Lebanon, however, the refugees live under dreadful conditions and are banned from many professions.

Borders, the Walls, blockades and checkpoints

After the defeat of the Arab Armies, the Rhodes Armistice Line of 1949, also known as the Green Line, was agreed upon by Israel and the neighboring Arab states, establishing the armistice line (not the permanent borders of Israel). The armistice agreements established three demilitarized zones near the Jordan River and the Sea of Galilee, but eventually Israel took these over.

Following Israeli conquests in the June 1967 war, Israel started to build Jewish settlements in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, prohibited by the Fourth Geneva Convention and Security Council Resolution 452. Currently, over 200 settlements and outposts house over half a million settlers, all of them illegal under international law. Twelve settlements were also created in East Jerusalem within the heart of the Old City, next to the majority Palestinian population. In Hebron (Al-Khalil), an officially Palestinian city under the Oslo Accords with a population of about 240,000, live several hundred fundamentalist Jewish settlers, protected by 1,200 IDF soldiers. Some of these settlers reside above the town’s marketplace and frequently throw stones, bricks and rubbish on the metal gratings that cover the market beneath. Many shops in the market have in fact had to close or go out of business altogether.

In 2002, Israel decided to build a massive concrete wall separating the West Bank and Israel, but actually placing much of the wall within the West Bank, in some areas penetrating more than 15 miles into the occupied territory. It also created large settlement complexes around East Jerusalem, effectively separating it from the West Bank.

The Oslo Accords, as will be discussed shortly, divided the Occupied Territories into three zones: Area A, consisting of seven Palestinian cities; Area B, under Palestinian administration with joint Israeli-Palestinian security; and Area C, under Israeli control and security. The Israel security zone covers the settlement blocs plus the whole border of the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. This is just a pretext to control the rich and fertile Jordan valley and access to the river; in the past several decades, thanks to Jordan’s cooperation with Israel, not a single guerrilla incursion has been reported from those borders. It is reasonable to assume that if the Palestinian Authority had control over the valley, it would have been much less dependent on foreign aid and borrowing. The Dead Sea, which is dying as a result of overuse of the Jordan River’s water, is very rich with various minerals that are used by Israel’s cosmetic companies that enjoy monopolistic control over the Sea’s west side. Palestinians are deprived of access to the Sea. I heard from the Governor of Jericho (Eriha), whose city and region are close to the Dead Sea, that he has never been allowed to go to the shore of the Sea.

All major roads and highways are also under Israeli control, and hundreds of miles of highways are solely for the use of Israeli citizens and not accessible to Palestinians. In addition, there are hundreds of military checkpoints on common roads, controlling the flow of cars and pedestrians, which sometimes take hours to pass through.

Maritime borders, fishing and access to natural gas reserves

The Oslo Accords set the maritime border of the Gaza Strip with the Mediterranean 20 nautical miles from shore, except for the two northern and southern shores where Jewish settlements were located at that time, and in which Gazans were prohibited from fishing. Although this borderline limited Gazan fishing access, it was enough for local consumption. With the beginning of the second Intifada, Israel severely restricted Gazan access to the sea. Under international pressure this border was set to 12 nautical miles. In 2006, with the success of Hamas in the Palestinian National Council elections, Israel reduced this border to 6 nautical miles, and at times reduced it further to 3 miles. The immediate effect of these restrictions was to deprive Gazans from making a meagre living from fishing and eliminated a major food source for the impoverished population of the Strip. Israeli bombing of Gaza’s sewage treatment plant, sending sewage entered the sea, further disrupted Gaza’s fishing.

More importantly, with the discovery of a massive natural gas field in 2000, within the Oslo-set Gazan maritime border, Palestinians could have access to a major source of revenue. A 25-year contract was signed between the Palestinian Authority, British Gas, and a Lebanese-owned company. Israel, particularly when Ariel Sharon formed his government in 2001, had no intention of allowing Palestinians access to this income and blocked the implementation of the contract; Hamas’ electoral victory proved the best excuse to force BG to cancel the contract.

Jerusalem

One of the most complicated issues in the conflict between Israel and Palestine is the city of Jerusalem. Because of its historical significance for Jews, Christians, and Muslims, Jerusalem was designated as an international city from the very beginning of the British Mandate. With the establishment of the state of Israel, the Green Line cut the city into two parts. The eastern part along with the rest of the West Bank came under the control of Jordan. With the 1967 war, Israel seized the entire city, unified and later annexed it. UN Security Council resolutions 252 and 476 condemned the decision and declared it null and void.

During the whole period since 1948, Jerusalem’s borders were steadily expanded by Jordan and later by Israel. Jerusalem today is almost four times larger than it was in 1947.

The main demand of Palestinians in various negotiations has been to allow for the establishment of East Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. Israel, however, considers Jerusalem as a unified city and its own exclusive capital, and as mentioned earlier, has increased the Jewish population while decreasing the Arab populations of East Jerusalem.

Access to surface and groundwater

A cornerstone of Zionist policy from the very beginning has been access to and control of water sources. The Jordan River stretches 156 miles, flowing from Mount Hermon in Lebanon to the Dead Sea, crossing the Sea of Galilee (Bahr-Tabarieh, Lake Tiberias, Lake Kinneret) in Israel and the Golan Heights. It runs through five countries and territories (Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel, and Palestine), which are technically part of a “riparian regime” for collectively managing the affairs of the river. This arrangement, however, never materialized. As mentioned earlier, Israel first took over the three “demilitarized zones” close to the surface water sources. Later on, it drained Lake Hula swamps, diverted water to the south through its National Water Carrier, and maximized its share of the river. Several attempts by the US in the 1950s to find a negotiated settlement for the water issue failed. Of the five riparian members, Syria and Lebanon were almost excluded from sharing the basin and Palestinians were denied all access to the river. Thus, presently only Israel and Jordan are beneficiaries of the river.

Aside from surface waters, Israel also controls the underground waters of the West Bank, which is divided into three (Northern, Eastern, and Western) Aquifers.  The second Oslo Accords set Israel’s share of water at four times that of the Palestinians. Nonetheless, Israel continued to pump water far above its assigned quota. In fact, forty percent of drinking water within the Green Line supply comes from West Bank groundwater. In the Western Aquifer, of the total 360 million cubic meters (MCM), Israel uses 340 and Palestinians 20. In the Northern Aquifer, Israel uses 115 MCM out of  140, and in the Eastern Aquifer, Israel uses 60 out of 100 MCM. Palestinians rarely can get permits to drill deep wells, but Jewish settlers are easily allowed to do so.

No doubt, with a relatively larger population, a far more developed industrial society, and one of the most advanced agriculture in the world, Israel consumes plenty of water. It has also a most sophisticated water management system, and in addition to natural water resources, a portion of Israel’s water comes from desalination plants, as well as from recycling of sewage for agricultural use. Yet, the unequal distribution of water and limits imposed on Palestinians and other riparian neighbors regarding access to their rightful quotas have been and continue to be a major source of tensions.

A combination of all these major problems has been the basis of the conflicts and confrontations between Israel and Palestinians that at times have reached an explosive point, problems that have either been ignored or were not dealt with seriously in numerous “peace” negotiations.

Israel/Palestine “peace” processes

Since the earliest Jewish immigration to Palestine, and following the Balfour Declaration in 1917, when Britain declared its willingness to establish a homeland for Jews, efforts were made to pacify the Arab inhabitants of the region. The first attempt was a meeting in 1919 between the Zionist leader, Chaim Weizmann and Emir Faisal, a leader of the Arab revolt against the Ottomans. This was in line with the Western countries’ policy and the post-war Paris Conference through which Arabs were supposed to encourage and support Jewish immigration to the region, while Zionists would help Palestinians create a viable stable state. Faisal, however, was by no means a representative of Palestinians and like Weizmann, disdained Palestinians. The meeting did not achieve anything. Faisal, who the British had appointed as king of greater Syria, was ousted by the French who had gained the mandate of Syria/Lebanon through the secret Sykes-Picot agreement, and the British moved Faisal to Iraq to become king there, while his brother became king of Transjordan.

During the British Mandate in Palestine until the establishment of the state of Israel, several initiatives were put forward in response to growing tensions. Most notably, in 1937 the Peel Commission proposed the partition of territory and assigned a relatively small part of the Mediterranean coast and northern parts to the Jewish state, and the rest to the Arab state, with the exception of Jerusalem which would remain under British Mandate. The 1938 Woodhead Plan expressed reservations about the possibilities of partition, further limited the territory assigned for the proposed Jewish state and drastically limited the territory for the Arab state, expanding the areas under the Mandate. None of these plans could be materialized, and Zionist para-military organizations Irgun and later LEHI, branded as “terrorists” by the British, expanded their activities. Menachem Begin, head of Irgun and later an Israeli Prime Minister, famously said that “the historical and linguistic origin of the term terror prove that it cannot be applied to a revolutionary war of liberation,” a quote that some Palestinians use.

In 1947, Britain, which no longer had the option to maintain the mandate, handed over the “Palestine Question” to the United Nations. Two proposals known as the Minority Plan and Majority Plan were discussed in the General Assembly. The Minority Plan, favored by Iran, India and Yugoslavia, proposed a single federal state for two peoples, in which each nation would have full autonomy in its territory, but issues such as foreign relations, national security, and immigration would be dealt with at the federal level through a bicameral parliamentary system. This was a very progressive plan but was not acceptable to the Zionists who wanted to establish an independent Jewish state. The Majority Plan had the support of the United States and the Soviet Union and was adopted in Resolution 181, allocating much wider sections of land for the Jewish State compared to earlier British partition plans. Arab states, newly established with very limited diplomatic experiences, voted against both plans, though Israel accepted the Majority Plan. With the war raging on, Israel declared itself a state in 1948, and by the end of the war, it added more territories to what was allocated to it by the UN Resolution.

With the establishment of the state of Israel, and its expansion through subsequent wars, numerous UN Resolutions have dealt with Israel and the Occupied Territories; more than 400 by the General Assembly, and over 222 by the Security Council– excluding 44 resolutions vetoed by Washington. One of the most important Security Council resolutions was 242 in 1967, which along with acknowledging the existence of Israel, demanded its withdrawal from the territories occupied in the 1967 war. Palestinians did not accept the Resolution, as it implied recognition of Israel. Egypt and Jordan accepted it, and later other Arab states made it a condition for the recognition of Isael. Instead of complying with the resolution, Israel came up with the Allon Plan, proposing the partition of the West Bank, allocating two separate areas assigned to Palestinians to be annexed to Jordan, and the rest remaining under Israeli control. The most intriguing part of the plan was that the two divided Palestinian areas were inside Israel and not bordered by the Jordan River, though the plan allowed a passage to Jordan through Jericho.

The 1978 Camp David Accord between Egypt and Israel failed to get Israel to make any substantive concessions to Palestinian self-determination. It took until 1987 with the first Palestinian Intifada that world attention was brought back to the unresolved Palestinian problems.

Secret negotiations between representatives of the two sides in Madrid in 1991 brought high hopes for peace, paving the way for the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995. As mentioned earlier, the West Bank and Gaza were divided into three zones, seven Palestinian cities and 450 villages scattered across Israeli-controlled territories were granted limited self-government, and the Palestinian Authority (PA) was established. The Oslo Accords did not deal with the major issues of refugees, borders, or Jerusalem, which were supposed to be finalized in subsequent years. This was obviously a lopsided agreement between a stronger side with massive international support and a much weaker side with no comparable support. Yet, the hope was that it would gradually improve the Palestinian condition and pave the way for a real two-state solution. But this did not happen. Israel continued establishing illegal Jewish settlements on Palestinian lands and increased blockades and roadblocks. At the time of the Oslo Accords, the population of settlers in the West Bank was 110,000, and today, without counting the settlers in East Jerusalem it is over half a million.

Numerous other agreements followed the Oslo Accords. In 1997, the Hebron Agreement divided the city into two sections: Hebron 1 with 240,000 Palestinians, and Hebron 2 for several hundred Jewish settlers. In 1998, the Wye River Memorandum with Clinton, Arafat and Netanyahu, made some adjustments to the Oslo Accords, and a small percentage of the three areas were relocated. The 1999 Sharm el-Sheikh Agreement made further slight changes.

In 2000, President Bill Clinton hosted Israeli prime minister Edud Barak and Palestinian Authority chair Yasser Arafat at Camp David. Clinton and Barak proposed changes to the West Bank borders according to which Israel would annex 9-10 percent more of the West Bank and 9-10 percent more of the border with the Jordan River which would also be put under “indefinite temporary” [sic] Israeli control. In return, Israel would add 1-3 percent of its own territory in the Negev Desert to the Palestinian territories. Some unspecified parts of Area C would also go under Palestinian control, without any impact on Jewish settlements. Palestinians would be allowed to commute on a highway that would link Jerusalem to the Dead Sea, with Israel having the right to shut it down anytime it deemed necessary. Refugee issues remained unresolved. The proposal would give the Palestinian state administrative control over part of East Jerusalem without “sovereignty” over the Haram al-Sharif/Al-Aqsa Mosque, or the Temple Mount compound. Arafat declared that he could not possibly agree with the proposals and the summit failed. Arafat’s return to the West Bank coincided with the second Intifada, and Israel’s response included demolishing much of Arafat’s residence, leaving a small section for his impending house arrest.

Very important peace talks took place in the Egyptian town of Taba in 2001. While no agreement regarding borders and land divisions was reached, at least on paper it dealt with some major issues pertaining to refugees and Jerusalem. For Jerusalem, instead of dividing it with a border, a reality no longer practical, it suggested that the city be divided into two administrative zones: The western part, Yerushalayim, would be the capital of Israel, and the eastern side, Al-Quds, the capital of the future Palestinian state. More importantly, on the question of refugees, it referred to the 1948 UN Resolution 194 regarding the conditional right of return and compensation, and some concrete suggestions were made: 1- the controlled return of refugees to Israel and Palestinian territories, and to the lands exchanged between the two parties; and 2- refugees formally becoming citizens of where they had settled, including transfer to a third country.

This agreement was certainly a major step forward in resolving the Israeli/Palestinian conflicts. But it coincided with the election of George W. Bush and the neo-cons in the US, the end of the Barak government and Ariel Sharon coming into power in Israel. More significantly, Ehud Barak was not serious about this deal. In 2003, at a conference of the Tel-Aviv and Al-Quds Universities, where the American, Israeli, and Palestinian negotiators were reviewing the failure of the Camp David II Accord, Barak openly admitted that he was not serious about the deal, and prompted the anger of the chief Israeli negotiator present in the conference. (Arafat could not attend because he was under the house arrest!) In fact, just before handing the government to Sharon, Barak sent a note to the new US president stating that what had been agreed in Taba and in Camp David II was not considered binding on the new Israeli government.

In 2001, Ariel Sharon unilaterally and outside any negotiations proposed the Sharon Plan with some minor changes in the the territories assigned earlier to Palestinians while expanding the areas under Israeli control in all of the Jordan River valley and the Dead Sea.

In 2002, George W. Bush, through the ‘Quartet’ (US, EU, UN, Russia) suggested Roadmap 2002, which was in actual fact a road to nowhere: in the first phase Palestinians were to renounce violence, Israel to withdraw to the pre-September 2000 (2nd Intifada) lines and freeze those settlements built since 2001, in the second phase a Palestinian state would be established and in the third phase an international conference would resolve the finalized borders and the question of Jerusalem.

The Arab states came up with their own Arab Peace Plan, which put forward three conditions for peace and the formal recognition of Israel: withdrawal to the 1967 borders, resolving the refugee issues on the basis of UN Resolutions, and the creation of a Palestinian state with its capital in East Jerusalem. Israel rejected the idea.

In 2003 pro-peace Israeli and Palestinian political figures and activists met unofficially and came up with the Geneva Initiative. In terms of borders and territory, they suggested a land swap, assigned much of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to Palestinians, but agreed that the areas close to the Green Line, with significant Jewish population, would be annexed to Israel. In return, part of the Israeli territory close to Gaza would be annexed to the Palestinian side. On the refugee question, however, there was no breakthrough.

Time was passing and key Palestinian issues remained unaddressed. Following years of house arrest, Yasser Arafat was sent to France for medical reasons and mysteriously died in 2004. Internal strife among Palestinian political currents intensified and the movement was eventually divided into two distinct parts.

All sorts of subsequent meetings and summits were held without any serious results. In 2005, representatives of Israel, the Palestinian Authority, the King of Jordan, and President of Egypt met in Sharm al-Sheikh. In the Riyadh Summit of 2007 Arab leaders repeated the earlier Beirut declaration. At the Annapolis Conference in the same year, George W. Bush, Ehud Olmert and Mahmoud Abbas attempted to revive the “Roadmap” peace talks, but no agreement was reached. A notable part of this initiative was Olmert’s agreement to assign a section of East Jerusalem to the Palestinian state. With the election of Barack Obama, there were hopes for the negotiated settlement he had promised. But in the 2010 and 2013 Conferences between Obama, Netanyahu and Abbas they could not achieve any progress. In 2014, after confrontations between Israel and Hamas, Netanyahu cancelled all efforts for peace negotiations. During the Trump presidency, any pretense of a peace process between Israel and Palestine was set aside altogether, and the ultra-right Israeli coalition had no interest in any negotiated peace with Palestinians anyhow.  The Abraham Accords merely aimed to bring together Arab autocracies and Israel and did not address the Palestinian question. And the Joe Biden Administration did not undertake any major initiatives either.

In short, none of the so-called peace processes resolved any of the Palestinian problems discussed earlier. On this long journey, entrenched frustrations and anger have conjoined periods of calm before storms and outbursts. The first intifada prepared the ground for the Madrid and Oslo negotiations, and the second Intifada brought the Taba Summit.  The latest horrific attack by Hamas brutally killing many civilians and taking hostages, followed by the unimaginable brutality of the Israeli response and the collective punishment and killing of thousands of Gazans, has once again attracted world attention to the ongoing Palestinian/Israeli conflict. Whether this will lead to a new round of peace negotiation following the completion of military operations remains to be seen.

Without a doubt, the effects of the October 7 attacks did not serve the Palestinian cause at all. The major difference between this confrontation and the two Intifadas is that it is led by a reactionary obscurantist religious fundamentalist force that ironically gave the best excuse to another fundamentalist force in power in Israel to mercilessly kill many thousands of Palestinians and justify its expansionist policies.

Are there any solutions to this lasting conflict?

With the total failure of the Oslo initiative, many question the idea of a so-called two-state solution. Putting aside absurd ideas of a Palestinian state in the pre-1948 borders or ‘from river to the sea,” some (re-)emphasize the one-state solution for the two peoples, not taking into consideration the basic tenet of Zionist ideology that rests on having a homeland for Jews. Whether one agrees with this ideology or not, it is a reality that cannot be ignored. The one-state solution is, without a doubt, an ideal that might be materialized in future. However, there is no chance of its fulfilment any time soon. It is important to note the so-called “demographic dilemma”: Today the population of Israel is 9.7 million, which consists of 2.1 million Arabs and about half a million people of other ethnicities or religions, making the Jewish population of Israel around 7.1 million. The Palestinian population of the West Bank and Gaza is about 5.4 million, and if added to the non-Jewish Israeli population, Jews would become a minority in the Jewish “homeland”. Although Israel encourages Jewish immigration and so far, about nine major waves of immigration have taken place, and notwithstanding the very high birth rate among ultra-orthodox Jews, Israel’s overall Jewish population growth rate is lower than the Palestinian population, despite the vast numbers killed every year in numerous conflicts.

Some on the left have also put forth the idea of a potential collaboration of the working classes on both sides against the dominant capitalist class. This is a nice idea with no basis in reality. Histadrut, the powerful Israeli General Federation of Labor, federating over 20 industrial trade unions with about 800,000 members, is still one of the most powerful Institutions in the country, despite being weakened by the increased dominance of neo-liberalism in Israel since the 1980s. It is a progressive movement for Israeli workers and even has over 100,000 Arab members. But as a founding Zionist institution it has never taken a strong stance in relation to the post-1967 Occupied Territories. On the Palestinian side, the General Federation of the Palestinian Trade Unions, with about 290,000 members, despite defending Palestinian workers, is very close to the Palestinian Authority, has little actual power, and like many other trade unions suffers from a lack of internal democracy. In short, the expectation that under the present conditions, workers on both sides would unite to challenge the dominant power is unrealistic.

The reality is that the two-state solution was never truly on the agenda. Even what in 2010, I poignantly called a One-and-a-half State Solution, was never materialized. And yet, all things considered, the only solution to the 75-year-old conflict is a real two-state solution. The peace negotiations mentioned above, although all have failed, carry the seeds of a practical, realistic and relatively fair solution. If real conditions of peace are provided, they can provide the basis for a lasting agreement.

The main question though is what are these real conditions for peace? Contrary to the present situation where reactionary, ultra-conservative and fundamentalist political currents on both sides are facing off, I believe, it is ultimately the progressive secular currents that will play the major role in finding lasting peace.  So long as there are no major changes in Israeli civil society and politics, and the progressive Israeli left and liberal forces are sidelined by the reactionary right-wing zealots, there cannot be any hope for peace, and the world will witness more periodic outbursts. Also, if similar changes do not happen on the Palestinian side, and progressive Palestinian forces are not able to effectively confront the inept and corrupt Palestinian Authority on the one hand, and religious fundamentalism on the other, and create a unified progressive secular front, they will not have a strong voice in the future peace process. It is obvious that these are big ifs, and numerous powerful regional and international factors, ranging from imperialism, US politics in particular, and religious fundamentalisms (Jewish, Christian, Islamic), as well as regional autocracies, and proponents of antisemitism and Islamophobia, present major barriers to genuine peace between Israel and Palestine.

Thus, it is difficult to be optimistic, but there is no other choice but to remain hopeful and work hard to find practical and progressive ways to move towards peace based on a two-state solution through which a viable secular democratic government for Palestine is established within the pre-1967 borders with its capital in the Eastern part of unified Jerusalem, along with negotiated land swaps based on the Geneva Initiative, resolving the refugee problem based on UN Resolutions and the Taba agreement, and fair division of water sources and land and maritime borders.

From Chile to Palestine

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Author Yasna Mussa.

It has taken me too long to write. The invasion began fifty days ago. It has been 16 years since I first went to Palestine and nine since the Israeli army stopped me from entering a second time, and the Ministry of the Interior deported me and banned me from setting foot on Palestinian territory again.

I write these lines as the third exchange of Israeli hostages for Palestinian prisoners is taking place. I wonder how many Palestinians an Israeli is worth. Who chooses the words and definitions? When is one event a kidnapping and another an arrest? When is a murder an assassination versus a simple death?

I think about these details from the relative calm of Santiago de Chile, 13,000 kilometers from a land that I have come to know over many years: first through my father’s stories, then through books and documentaries, and finally by traveling to the other side of the world to see, smell, touch, and know Palestine firsthand.

As I write, I’m trying to understand this new massacre. The images from Palestine go viral, arriving instantly through Instagram, Twitter, and WhatsApp groups.

In Chile, members of the largest Palestinian community outside of the Arab world—more than half a million people—are trying to help.

They take to the streets, call for marches, hold debates and conferences, light candles, hoist flags in front of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean and the United Nations headquarters, and shout “Free Palestine” in the streets of Valparaiso, Arica, and Santiago until they go horse.

The members of the Palestine Sporting Club, a professional soccer team founded in 1920, take to the field wearing keffiyehs around their necks, each has a black ribbon tied around their arm. They observe a minute of silence for the victims in Gaza before they begin to play.

The return 

From this corner of South America, we bear witness to constant dehumanization. We cannot stop counting the dead as the days go by. No matter how much we repeat that they are not just numbers, we end up talking about figures, relying on hard data to show how serious and urgent it is to stop this genocide.

Time passes slowly. We search for news of a friend in Gaza or a relative who is living in the West Bank. There are many who can no longer stand still.

Just days after Israel announced its latest invasion on October 7, a group of young people in Santiago decided to create a collective.

They named it Al Auda (العودة), which means the return in Arabic. Its members are in their early thirties and work in the visual arts, architecture, and music. They can’t bear to be silent in the face of what they see. They call their contacts, ask for help, and decide to organize day of cultural events for Palestine.

They launched with Sessions of Return, their first public activity, which was held in the parking lot of the Franklin Factory, a hub for creatives in Santiago, on Saturday, November 11. The organizers split the twelve-hour concert into three sections, each named after a Palestinian city: Nablus, Jericho, and Gaza. People chipped in, either by buying tickets or donating. They raised almost six million Chilean pesos (nearly $6,800 USD), to be sent to Gaza through Medical Aid for Palestinians (MAP), an NGO that advocates for the health of Palestinians.

In a Santiago café, I met with photographer Mila Belén and Marian Gidi, a visual artist and photographer, who told me how Palestine became part of their lives. Both women traveled to Palestine with the Know Thy Heritage program to learn about their roots and connect to the culture. Belen went in 2014 and Gidi in 2017. Both told me that the experience was a turning point in their lives.

Belén and Gidi are the founders of Al Auda and see themselves as outsiders in the larger Palestinian community in Chile. They did not grow up in a traditional Palestinian environment or go to an Arabic school. They didn’t spend their weekends at the Palestinian Stadium, an exclusive social club located in an affluent part of Chile’s capital. Instead, their bond was forged through food, a connection that is silently passed from generation to generation without preamble, through dishes that contain the history, feelings, and traditions that live in their  recipes.

Like me, they made a choice to connect with Palestine. It was driven by curiosity and empathy, a natural outcome of their interest in human rights. Arab displacement links so many issues, just like in Latin America, where history is traversed by colonialism, which Indigenous peoples of this continent understand so well, including in Wallmapu, the Mapuche territory that pre-dates Chile.

“Even if I wasn’t of Palestinian descent, I would still defend the Palestinian cause,” said Belén. Her intuition is reflected in the work of Chilean-Palestinian author Lina Meruane.

“Palestine, for me, has always been a rumor circulating in the background, a story to which one turns to save a shared origin from extinction,” Meruane writes in her book, Volverse Palestina (Becoming Palestine). “It would not be a return of my own. It would be a borrowed return, a return in someone else’s place.”

I recognize myself in these words and see a process that is repeated and amplified. Third and fourth generation Chilean women of Palestinian origin envision a potential future return and then confirm what they already suspected: the situation is worse than imagined.

But there is another dimension. There is joy in spite of it all. The effusiveness of the Palestinian streets, the shared sense of humor, and the will to be happy despite living with just enough, and without justice, in refugee camps that swell and then disappear over and over again.

For Belén, her trip to Palestine led her to her define herself as an activist. Today she is trying to do something concrete to help the Palestinians in Gaza who have been under bombardment for almost two months.

“Despite all the information we have, reality is still shocking. But we can’t turn away, because it makes everything so clear,” said Gidi in an interview. “I felt as though it grounded what I already knew.”

The two photographers, who have woven a friendship out of shared pain and pride, plan to continue their collective beyond the tragedy that led to its founding: they both know that the invasion will continue when the ceasefire ends. Palestine rarely appeared on television before October 7, but the occupation has been going on seventy-five years.

Palestine, Irreversible

It is Thursday afternoon and I’m with Andrea Giadach, an actress, playwright, and theater director, whom I first met more than fifteen years ago when I attended her play, My World Homeland. We met at the Rincón Arabe, a small café redolent with Arab coffee and spices.

It is a hot day and a little early for dinner, but the waitress comes and goes between the kitchen and the patio carrying warm dishes that smell of happy memories. Giadach is accompanied by Ana Harcha, an actress and academic, with whom she co-directs Irreversible Palestine, Non-Existent Palestine, an exhibition in which Harcha shares reflections and impressions from her trip to Palestine last October.

Harcha describes her interest in the land of her great-grandparents as a path that opened up to her over the years. The main milestone on this journey was a trip to the Occupied Palestinian Territories just over a year ago. Harcha, too, sees herself reflected in Meruane’s work.

“I felt that I understood what she was putting forward in Becoming Palestine: that there is a way of being Palestinian that is not based in blood, but in defending life,” said Harcha, with a plate of Arab rolls in front of her.

Giadach doesn’t remember when she first became interested in Palestine. For her, it was always there. It was something her father encouraged and which she has actively cultivated throughout her life. Eventually she took Palestine with her into the theater. The first play she directed, My World Homeland, explores stories of exile, including that of a Palestinian.

Today Harcha and Giadach connect over theater and Palestine. Earlier this year they began working on the exhibition Irreversible Palestine, Non-existent Palestine, where images of the apartheid wall are projected in order to show its real dimension. Harcha took the photographs and wrote the text that accompanies them.

“It has to do with dimensions, with making the geography, the reality over there, present through the photographic record and through Ana’s body,” said Giadach. “For me, Palestine is a paradigm of the relationship between hegemony and otherness.”

This immerse artwork-lecture, co-directed by Harcha and Giadach, was shown for the last time on November 14 at the Chilean National Theater in downtown Santiago. The event had been scheduled months prior but its happening coincided with the bombings in Gaza.

Those in attendance felt the connection between the performance they were watching and the scenes of war broadcast on the news and landing on their cell phones.

The point of the piece, according to Harcha, is “to investigate the possibility of memory and belonging in the territories, of identities and genres, as a thought exercise in creation, fiction, and imagination, one that is not closed off and that can develop through counterpoint or contradiction.”

Reclaiming joy

I was walking down a street in Ramallah, in the West Bank, and I was lost. I had no map with me. It was December 2007 and I still didn’t have Google Maps on my phone. I stopped, took out my camera and started taking pictures in a street full of shops where children were playing and riding bicycles.

When the kids realized I was taking their picture, they opened their eyes wide and started shouting “sahafiye, sahafiye” (صحفية) as they ran towards me. It was the first time someone called me a journalist, and they did it in Arabic.

The children were used to the intrusive lenses of foreign correspondents who were visiting or covering the Occupied Palestinian Territories. They entertained themselves by asking for pictures and seeing the images on the camera’s screen. They posed, while joking and shouting happily.

I recently saw a similar video on my Instagram feed. Amidst images of death, human misery, and charred bodies, blackened by dust and explosions, another record, this one full of life, sneaks into the social networks: a journalist taking pictures of children laughing and forgetting for a few minutes that they are surrounded by death and pain and the rubble of what had been their homes just a few weeks ago.

One of the most brutal characteristics of dehumanization is the reduction of the other to something that is not a person, that is less than human, and that does not have the same rights or capacity to experience emotion other than pain.

This narrative of the occupation reduces Palestinians to just a few dimensions of the many they actually possess: crying, suffering, resistance, loss, despair. Their defense of life, their sense of humor, the colors of their childhood are erased. An effort is made to silence this chorus of children who laugh and play in the midst of fear, hunger, and the indifference of the international community, as if they couldn’t possibly be whole human beings who go through a range of emotions, including joy.

Marian Gidi, Mila Belén, Ana Harcha, and Andrea Giadach are legion in this land that is distant geographically and in language, religion and traditions. But the archives show Chile began receiving Palestinians at the end of the nineteenth century.

From here they forge a commitment, borne of the privilege and luck of having been born in a safe place, of having had the possibility to have been girls, of enjoying their youth and being able to imagine what is to come.

That is why we recall our happy memories, and why we keep talking about Palestine.

This story was first published in Ojalá, Nov 29, 2023.

 

 

 

A Letter from Afghanistan about Palestine & Israel

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The people of Palestine have suffered from multiple oppressions for many years.  Their homeland was occupied.  They lost many of their youth.  Their intellectuals were exiled or killed.  Their children experienced war and explosions.  Women experienced the loss of their homeland and their children.

Israel has continued to occupy more and more areas on a daily basis and has turned Gaza into a prison for its inhabitants.   The people of Palestine cannot even breath and live under deplorable conditions.   At the same time, Israel and the states that support it have pushed aside progressive movements and organizations among Palestinians.  The government of Israel has been able to use propaganda to cover the crimes that it has committed against the Palestinian people with the help of imperialist states.

Wherever there is oppression,  there is also struggle.  The Palestinian people are tired of the oppression of the state of Israel and the silence of the countries that support it.  Hamas has witnessed the desire of the Palestinians to fight back and has exploited the lack of progressive alternatives in order to start its own attacks on Israel.

I condemn war crimes against innocent Palestinians and Israelis.  The people of both sides should not be deceived by the propaganda of militarist states in the West and the East.   Under these difficult circumstances, they should be by each other’s side and not against each other.

The people of Afghanistan have suffered from the hell of religious fundamentalist regimes and occupying powers.  We can understand the pain of the Palestinian people and are with them.  However, many of us make a distinction between Hamas and the resistance and struggle of the Palestinian people.

The people of Afghanistan have experienced resistance against Russian and U.S. imperialism. They have also experienced many bloody and treacherous years of religious fascism.  If a freedom-seeking resistance movement which opposes occupation, does not work toward democracy and secularism, the religious fundamentalist forces will easily hijack the results of the popular struggle.  They will make life a living hell of terrorism for all people and especially women. Regional imperialist and reactionary countries will also try to sow the seeds of terrorism and religious fundamentalism in a newly emerging country and will support religious fundamentalist forces by providing them with opportunities for profit making.

At the same time, U.S. imperialism and the murderous government of Israel are trying to reduce the resistance of the Palestinian people to Hamas.   Since Hamas is a terrorist organization, Israel and the U.S. argue that they have the right to fight against terrorism.  In truth however, Hamas is only part of the resistance of the Palestinian people and not its majority. By equating the Palestinian struggle with Hamas, Israel continues to deceive people around the world and justifies its murders in the name of self-defense.

We need to emphasize that a reactionary opposition cannot be liberating. The oppressed people of Palestine need to form a democratic opposition in the midst of this war. If the Palestinian people themselves do not take up the leadership of the resistance against the occupation, and if the reactionary forces of Hamas are the leaders of the resistance, they will poison a future Palestine with religious fascism.

The conscious, educated and progressive people of Palestine can take up the leadership of a liberatory resistance.  And if a people-centered and secular government comes to power in Israel, perhaps both sides could live peacefully alongside each other while respecting each country’s territorial integrity.

Afghanistan

November 30, 2023

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 2

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 2 of a four-part series. Part 1 Part 3 Part 4

DECONSTRUCTING XI’S BOGUS HISTORY OF CHINA’S RISE AND ITS “SUPERIORITY”

I. Why do Chinese flee China’s “superior civilization” for the “declining West”?

To begin with, it’s often been observed that Mr. Xi rejects all Western ideas except one, Marxism. He celebrates Marx all the time. In a speech marking the two hundredth anniversary of Marx’s birth in May 2018, Xi reaffirmed that “Writing Marxism onto the flag of the Chinese Communist Party was totally correct… Unceasingly promoting the sinification and modernization of Marxism is totally correct.”[1] Yet Xi can hardly claim Marx’ support for his theory of “non-Western” modernization.” For far from rejecting “Western bourgeois values,” Marx and Engel’s vision of socialism was rooted in the Enlightenment values of science and democracy. They championed the achievement of the human rights of free speech, universal suffrage, democratic elections, habeas corpus, the right to peaceful assembly and association, freedom of the press, and public education uncensored by the state even more ardently and forcefully than the bourgeoisie itself because those victories consolidated in the course of the English, American and French revolutions were not just victories for the bourgeoisie against feudalism but also victories for the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and capitalism — and indispensable prerequisites for a future socialism. Thus:

The bourgeoisie cannot fight for his political rule, nor express this political rule in a constitutional laws without at the same time, putting weapons in the hands of the proletariat . . . Consistently, therefore, it must demand direct, universal suffrage, freedom of the press, organization, and assembly, and abolition of all discriminatory laws against particular classes of the population. . . It is therefore in the interest of the workers to support the bourgeoisie and its struggle against all reactionary elements, so long as the bourgeoisie remains, true to itself.[2]

Yet in practice the bourgeoisie often failed to remain true to itself, in which case it fell to the workers and plebians to finish the revolution for the bourgeoisie, and in the process to secure the rights that workers could eventually turn against the bourgeoisie themselves. Thus

[Had it] not been for that [British] yeomanry and for the plebeian element in the towns, the bourgeoisie alone would never have fought the matter out to the bitter end and would never have brought Charles 1 to the scaffold. In order to secure even those conquests [universal suffrage, freedom of speech and the press, the right to assemble, etcetera] of the bourgeoisie that were ripe for gathering at the time, the revolution had to be carried considerably further — exactly as in 1793 in France in 1848 in Germany.[3]

Voting with their feet

If Western values are obsolete and inappropriate for developing nations, why do China’s leaders all send their children to Western universities? Xi Jinping sent his only daughter Xi Mingze to Harvard in 2010 (which he could hardly afford on his legal salary thought to be around $20,000 a year but could easily afford because he and his whole family were multimillionaire kleptocrats long before he was installed as general secretary of the Communist Party in November 2012).[4] Reportedly, she prefers life in Boston over Beijing.[5] If the superiority of Chinese-style civilization is so obvious, why don’t Western college students flock to China to get their education instead of the other way round? And why are more and more Chinese fleeing to the “declining” West? Of the 10.5 million PRC emigrants living abroad in 2021, virtually all of them moved to Western, Eastern and other capitalist democracies (most to the U.S., E.U., South Korea, Japan, Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, South America, in that order.)[6] Currently, 5.2 million people of Chinese descent (excluding Taiwanese) live in the United States.[7] Xi’s crackdowns have only accelerated this exodus as Chinese vote with their feet.[8] Western capitalist democracies have many problems. Yet while people scale walls or set out on flimsy rafts to migrate to Europe and the United States, no one clamors to move to China. Of its 1.4 billion people, barely a million, just 0.07%, are immigrants.[9] Right now Beijing is trying to staunch the outflow by banning courses in “preparation for emigration” at Hong Kong universites.[10] With the economic slump, Covid lockdowns and Xi’s fierce political repression, a top trending search by young Chinese on Weibo (China’s twitter equivalent) has been runxue (literally, the English verb run + the Chinese verb study) – researching how to get out of China.[11]

As of November, more than 24,000 PRC escapees have crossed the Mexican border into the United States this year. Typically, they fly to Ecuador which admits them without a visa, then make their way to Mexico. Once in the U.S. many apply for asylum and most succeed.[12] In March, the Guardian reported that disillusioned Chinese emigrants (913 in December 2022 alone), are so desperate to reach the United States that they’re undertaking the arduous and dangerous trek across the roadless, lawless and deadly Darian Gap between Columbia and Panama. The paper quotes a Mr. Xu who says that he used to identify with China’s “Little Pinks”, a group of cyber-nationalists, but in 2021, he began learning about the Great Chinese Famine and the Tiananmen Square massacre by using virtual private networks, or VPNs. “I realised [the CCP] don’t care about human rights,” Xu says. “After I leave the country [China], I have no plans to go back alive.” “I feel like this country has been deceiving us, persecuting us. I have to do something.” He points to the rash of suicides and family separations under Zero Covid, which were ignored by a state media only talking of a “tremendous victory.” “They [the Communists] would do anything to disregard ordinary people’s pain,” he says. “I don’t know much about the US, but at least it’d be better than living in China.” Another, Mr. Yin, a 55-year-old cook from Nanjing says that China’s tough pandemic rules were just one of many reasons that he wanted to escape life under the Chinese Communist Party. “I’m not afraid of them at all,” Yin says. “We would go help Taiwan fight against the CCP if China attacks Taiwan.” What kind of “superior civilization” can’t keep its own people from risking their lives to flee?[13]

Curiously, Western Maoist apologists for China such as Monthly Review’s John Bellamy Foster and Vijay Prashad trumpet Xi’s claims for poverty alleviation and “ecological civilization” but never trouble ask themselves the obvious question that Fang Zhili poses: “Why should a good society fear that people are going to run away? If you’re so good, people will be trying to get in, not out.”[14]

Voting with their wombs

Those who can’t get out face a bleak future of a decelerating economy, rising unemployment, and an aging society as young Chinese women have gone on strike, voting with their wombs against the party-state, declaring themselves the “last generation.”[15] The same government that banned women from having more than one child in 1981 is now pressuring them to become baby factories. The Party that once encouraged women to join the workforce, is now telling them that “their place is in the home, rearing children.”[16] This is not going to work for at least three reasons: First, educated women all over Asia are rebelling against patriarchal cultures, refusing to marry or have children.[17] Birth rates are plummeting and populations are shrinking in South Korea, Taiwan and Japan too. Second, since the privatizations of social services in the 1990s, the cost of raising children in China has become unaffordable for many. The old system of free public childcare and free public schools is no more. And though state schools don’t charge tuition for primary and secondary schools, school “fees” can be steep. The supply of public kindergartens is also seriously inadequate, and private ones prohibitively expensive for most. The patchwork of health insurance is expensive, coverage is minimal, and does not include children. Women also face systematic discrimination in jobs, pay, and advancement, even height. Single women suffer additional barriers. They get no state support, are ineligible for the few subsidies allocated to married mothers and are regularly denied paid maternity leave by their employers. Third, women are revolting against the lack of human rights. As one single mom said “What many women, especially single mothers, lack is not money but the protection of their rights and the respect of society.[18] That’s not likely to be forthcoming from the Xi’s CCP (the 24-member Politburo includes zero women and just 5% of the 205-member Central Committee are women).[19] Far from expanding the rights of women, Xi’s Communist Party is locking up feminists and extinguishing the last of what rights the Chinese people thought they were entitled to in their paper constitution but discovered in three years of Covid lockdowns that after all, they’re just 1.4 billion prisoners. As the anti-lockdown protesters chanted last November, “We don’t want to be slaves. We want freedom. We want rights. We want democracy. We don’t want dictators, we want to vote.”[20] China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates are expressions of the deep pessimism of young people. And Xi faces not just the women’s strike. In recent years many Chinese young people of both sexes are “lying flat” — refusing to take high pressure jobs in response to the grueling “996” work schedule (9AM-9PM, 6 days a week).[21] demanded by China’s tech companies and by regime and societal pressure to over-work and over-achieve. This has given rise to the “Four No” movement: no dating, no marriage, no home ownership, no kids.[22] In short, a vote of no confidence in bleak future Xi Jinping is engineering for his subjects.[23] In what Western democracy do young people declare themselves “the last generation” and protest in the streets against state slavery?
 

II. Debunking the debunker –

  1. We have completed in decades the industrialization process that had taken developed Western countries hundreds of years.”

Yes it certainly did take centuries of step-by-step advances in rational critical thinking and scientific advancement from the 15th-16th centuries Renaissance and beginnings of the Scientific Revolutions of Copernicus, Galileo, Brahe, Bacon, through the 17th-18th centuries Enlightenment of Newton, Kepler, Descartes, Locke, Adam Smith, Kant and others, to the James Watts, Richard Arkwrights, Thomas Newcomens, Thomas Edisons and Henry Fords of the Industrial Revolution of the 18th to 20th centuries, to lay the foundations of our modern industrial societies. But once the scientific, technical, and industrial bases of modernization had been laid in the West, the Chinese had no need to invent the wheel all over again, industrializing without capitalism and at “China speed” as Mr. Xi implies. China just “skipped over stages” by copying it wholesale from the West like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan and other countries had done before China. Trotsky gave this historical process a name: “combined and uneven development.”

China’s miracle in East Asian comparative perspective

In fact, China’s “miracle” was neither an “unprecedented feat” nor as rapid as the modernizations of its own East Asian neighbors, let alone characterized by “long-term social stability.” In Xi’s telling, China’s rise was a continuous smooth ascent from 1949 to today. In truth, China lost three decades as Mao worked and starved to death tens of millions of Chinese in his “Great Leap Forward,” then terrorized the whole population and killed another couple of million people in his crazed “Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution” such that by his death in 1976 China was worse off and further behind the West than it had been in 1949.[24] In those same decades, China’s neighbors, the “Four Tigers” (Taiwan, Hong Kong, South Korea and Singapore) brewed up the original export-oriented industrialization “East Asian Miracle” that China completely missed.[25] They were all at roughly the same socio-economic level as China in 1949 (and Korea would endure another war in 1951-53), but by the 1980s the Four Tigers were already fully modernized industrialized economies. By the 1990s they were all first-world “high income” economies whereas Communist China could not even attain lower-middle income status until 2001.[26] Furthermore, China’s neighbors also eliminated mass poverty and except for Hong Kong which was still a U.K. colony, transitioned to democracies by the 1990s to boot. In short, they fully accomplished their East Asian Miracle modernizations while China dragged itself through three decades in Maoism-in-poverty under the Party’s then “correct policies.”

What’s more, the former copycats South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore went on to become mighty tech innovators in their own right while China’s state sector and its SOEs remain incapable of significant innovation such that Mr. Xi still finds himself in the humiliating position of having to beg, coerce, threaten or steal – mostly steal — regular infusions of leading-edge science and technology from the declining West to keep his economy advancing.[27]

  1. “Chinese socialism not Western capitalism modernized China’s economy”

Xi’s claim that Chinese-style modernization “abandoned the old path of capital-centered Western modernization” and is “not dependent upon others” is perhaps the most obviously counterfactual of his four theses. This argument is part of retro-Maoist Xi’s effort to drive capitalism out of China, recenter and promote the state economy, airbrush Deng and his market reform era out of Chinese history books and museums and rewrite history to portray China’s rise as due solely to the brilliant and glorious Chinese Communist Party and its SOEs, not Western capitalists and their science and technology.[28]

Manifestly, China’s rise has been wholly dependent upon Western capitalism from the outset in 1978 down to today. China’s industrial modernization began with Deng Xiaoping’s marriage of Western capital to Chinese labor in his new export-processing Special Economic Zones (SEZs) set up from 1978. He invited Western and investors and companies to bring in their capital, their modern technology, new industries, and expert managerial and production knowhow in return for granting them the right to dramatically cut their cost of production by super-exploiting China’s unfree ultra-cheap labor with few environmental restrictions. He also gave them access to the world’s biggest untapped market, an irresistible incentive. Initially, most FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) was concentrated in archipelago of 14 Special Economic Zones (SEZs) along China’s east coast but in the 1990s dozens of new iterations were added.[29] The SEZs were fenced off from the rest of the economy. In some cases, as with Foxconn’s factories, they are rigidly militarized. Indeed, since 2010 Foxconn’s factory dormitories have also been conveniently fitted with anti-suicide nets to prevent China’s blissfully happy “common prosperity”- enjoying workers from jumping off the roofs to their deaths.[30] SEZs grant tax concessions and duty-free imports and exports. The government’s contribution to this project was to provide labor and build the necessary infrastructure: land, ports, roads, rails, water and power, and telecoms.

The new SEZs comprised a capitalist economy within the framework of the old Stalinist state-owned centrally planned economy. The government still owns all the land and natural resources and most of the economy including the commanding heights: large-scale mining and manufacturing, heavy industry, metallurgy, shipping, energy generation, petroleum and petrochemicals, heavy construction and equipment, atomic energy, aerospace, telecommunications and internet, vehicles (some in partnership with foreign companies), aircraft manufacture (in partnership with Boeing and Airbus), airlines, railways, most pharmaceuticals and biotechnology, banking, military production, as well as the media, schools and universities. The state-owned industrial economy has always been far larger than the private and joint-venture economy. Even so, according to the World Bank, by the 2010s SEZs accounted for 22% of China’s GDP, 45% of total national foreign direct investment, and 60% of exports and had created tens of millions of new jobs.[31] Whereas, in 1978, virtually everyone worked for the state, by the 2010s more than 80% of the urban labor force were working in private businesses or were self-employed.[32]

In the first decades of reform and opening, all the Foreign Invested Enterprises (FIEs) were run by foreign engineers and executives. But as the famously industrious, education-focused, quick-learning and entrepreneurial Chinese learned how to operate modern technology and factories and China educated its own engineers and technicians, they staffed more and more of the engineering and managerial positions and Chinese companies supplied more and more of the physical inputs to replace imports.[33] By the 2000s and 2010s developing domestic private competitors were clawing back shares of the domestic market from foreign manufacturing and retail as well as creating entirely new high-tech electric vehicle and e-commerce industries. Google quit China in 2010 over tech theft, leaving the market to Baidu and other Chinese search engines. The state-backed Didi Chuxing ride-hailing service drove out Uber in 2016. KFC and MacDonalds were driven out by Chinese competitors the same year. Panasonic abandoned TV and solar panel production in China do to “fierce competition” from domestic producers, and so on.[34] By the 2010s Huawei had become the world’s biggest telecom company and homegrown private tech companies like Alibaba, Ant Financial, Baidu, Tencent, Bytedance, Warren Buffet-backed BYD Company Ltd. (the world’s largest electric vehicle manufacturer), and CATL (Contemporary Amperex Technology Co., the world’s largest EV battery maker) were leading the economy. In 2022 Bytedance’s TikTok became an international sensation and the top downloaded app in the United States. Thus pace Mr. Xi’s fable, Chinese-style modernization has been indisputably powered by capital accumulation, by private investors and corporations both foreign and domestic from 1978 to today. Indeed, ironically, while Xi has campaigned to reassert Party control over the economy and promote the state-owned SOEs against the private sector, the government’s decades-long failure to kickstart indigenous innovation in state-owned industries like microchips, aviation, pharmaceuticals, among others, despite spending hundreds of billions of dollars such efforts since the 1990s, leaves China’s economy’s more dependent on Western and Chinese capitalists than ever—a major problem for Xi’s goal of state-sector economic supremacy.[35]

The Communist Party’s unique “innovations in the theory of world modernization”

Yet Xi is correct that China’s modernization is unique compared to India and the Four Tigers — just not in the way he claims.What the Communist Party uniquely contributed was its all-powerful and well-organized police state. As I explained elsewhere, when globalization took off in the 1980s, made possible by revolutionary developments in technology and manufacturing processes such as computerization, the internet, and modularization of production that permitted sourcing components from several (and often competing) nations,

What gave China the advantage as an export platform over, say, India which had at least as many millions of hungry jobless workers, was that China had a highly organized and effective developmental police state that could not only furnish labor and control labor costs, but could also clear land and concentrate resources to build the industrial parks and infrastructure (power plants, ports, roads, railways, telecommunications, and so on) to get them up and running, and could build new universities to train engineers.[36]

Apartheid with Communist Party characteristics 

With respect to the labor force, the Communist Party’s innovation was to supply hundreds of millions of union-free, EPA free, OSHA free, NIOSH-free, police-state enforced, semi-slave migrant workers to be exploited by Western capitalists at the world’s lowest cost, virtually industrial revolution-era wages, what employers termed the “China Price.”[37] In fact, the Communist Party — self-proclaimed representative of the proletariat — created an entire apartheid class of ex-farm migrant proletarians, nearly 300,000 million strong, to supply the SEZs, urban and infrastructure construction, supply urban domestics, delivery services, etc. with pliant super-exploitable workers. In contrast to South African apartheid, this class of Chinese workers is not distinguished by racial identity but solely by their lack of an urban hukou or legal residence permit. This system was established in the early 1950s when the Party sought to prevent mass migration from the country to the cities by assigning every Chinese a hukou based on where they were born. Such assignments were permanent and were inherited by their children. Access to housing, childcare, schooling, medical care, rations, and subsidies were all determined by one’s hukou. By denying those new migrant workers an urban hukou, they could not legally buy an urban residence, and so have been condemned to live for forty years on the margins, in peri-urban slums, in company dormitories (as at Foxconn), on the street, etc, subject to being expelled and sent back to their rural homes at the whim of local officials. As illegal migrants in their own country, they have no legal right to send their children to urban public schools, no legal entitlement to urban medical or other social services, no legal entitlement to state provided minimum subsistence payments (the dibao), disability insurance, state-provided pensions and death benefits. Some of these restraints have been relaxed by local officials in second- and third-tier cities. But the formal national legal structure remains in place and is vigorously enforced in top-tier cities like Beijing where the government is determined to cap the urban populations, by force when necessary.[38]

By comparison, India suffers from numerous disadvantages in its bid to become an export powerhouse. High on this list is its political system— democracy. Prime Minister Modi complains that democracy is a barrier to development because he can’t get his parliament to overhaul labor laws that favor workers. Nor can he get rid of land laws that prevent the converting of farmland to factory sites. India’s workers strike when they feel aggrieved, as they did when Modi attempted to make it easier to fire them. By contrast, independent trade unions are illegal in China and the right to strike was deleted from the national constitution in 1982. Nonetheless, in recent years there have been more than a thousand industrial strikes per year in the country, but they’re all illegal and labor organizers are routinely locked up or worse.[39] China’s police-state advantage is again on display today as companies under pressure to shift their manufacturing bases out of China try to relocate to places like India. Indian workers are not keen on working 12-hour days, females don’t want to work night shifts, and employers can’t just marshal 100,000 Indian workers to work all night to meet some Apple deadline like Foxconn factories do in China. Moreover, the companies cannot always count on the police to tip the balance of class struggle in their favor. In one recent case, workers struck for higher wages, better labor protection and when those were not forthcoming, trashed a Taiwanese Apple subcontractor’s factory “causing millions of dollars in losses to the Taiwanese company and forcing it to shut the plant.”[40]

Primitive accumulation with Communist Party characteristics

With respect to land and natural resources, China’s innovation in modernization has been the government’s right and power to clear land and mobilize water and other natural resources at will, whenever and wherever it wished to build new dams, ports, industrial parks, roads, railways, airports, or new cities. Since the government owns all the land and natural resources, and controls the police and courts, it doesn’t have to bother with public hearings, environmental impact statements or legislatures. Since the 1990s, it has summarily evicted hundreds of millions of farmers from their land and tens of millions of urban residents from their apartments and houses, with or without compensation.[41] That’s how it built thousands of kilometers of new highways and high-speed railways across the country since 2008. This was only possible because the central government could mobilize and concentrate funds and resources on massive infrastructure projects like those and could expropriate farmers and urban residents by fiat. No other contemporary modernizing government in the world has the power to carry out such wrenching transformations.[42]

By comparison, in India in 2007, Tata Motors won approval from a local government to build an auto factory in the Ganges delta in India’s West Bengal. But while the factory was under construction, protesting peasants elected a new government that promised to return the farmland to them, which it did in 2017. This is a common problem for industrialists in India’s still mostly agrarian but democratic country.[43] Recall that in England, even with the state on their side, it still took centuries of class struggle for the new capitalist landlords to complete the process of “primitive accumulation,” to expropriate peasant freeholders, turn them into wage laborers, and convert their farms into sheepfolds.

In short, it’s difficult to overstate the importance of China’s police-state advantage for speeding industrial modernization. Police-state enforced ultra-cheap labor + state ownership of all land and resources + the Communist Party’s monopoly of political power – those were the Party’s “major innovations in the theory of modernization” that distinguished China’s industrial modernization from those of Taiwan, South Korea etc.

  1. Chinese modernization is a modernization of common prosperity for all people, not just for a few.”

Indeed. This will come as news to those 300 million impoverished migrant workers denied urban hukous and public schools, who struggle to scrape together money to build and staff their own shanty-town schools — only to see the government that professes its “love and serve the people,” send in demolition crews to demolish them along with their makeshift housing, to kick what Communist officials term the “low-end population” (diduan renkou) out of its first tier cities like Beijing and Shanghai.[44] This will also be news to the thirty million SOE workers who were laid off in the late 1990s and, once out the door, were cut off from company-provided healthcare, pensions and other benefits, to become precarious workers like the ex-farm migrants, or retire in poverty struggling to survive on the state’s stingy dibao (the dole).[45]

Worse than capitalism

Far from “resolutely preventing polarization,” Communist Party-style modernization has constructed one of the most economically polarized societies in the world, a society characterized by a massively higher rate of poverty, and more extremes of wealth and poverty than found in the world’s industrial capitalist democracies. At the top, the Hunrun Global Rich List reported in 2019 that China had more billionaires than the U.S. and India combined.[46] Ninety-nine percent of them are Communist Party members. In 2002 the New York Times reported that China’s National People’s Congress – the “congress of crony capitalists” – possessed a collective wealth of hundreds of billions of dollars.[47] A Bloomberg exposé of CCP aristocratic “princelings” in 2012 revealed that Xi Jinping and his close relations had already amassed a fortune in minerals, real estate and telecoms worth at least 376 million dollars even before he was anointed party secretary in 2012. The New York Times calculated that as Xi took office in 2012, outgoing Premier Wen Jiabao (whose annual salary was about $15,000) was worth at least $2.7 billion when he retired, all of it secreted under the names of his close relatives and associates. Even his retired school-teacher mom was worth $190 million.[48]

At the bottom are the proletariat and precariat, the apartheid subclass of migrant proletarian workers, and the farmers. After seven decades of “socialist” development, China still has many times more extremely impoverished people than either its East Asian industrialized neighbors or the capitalist economies of West Europe and the United States. In terms of the GINI coefficient, a commonly used metric of inequality (On a scale 0 to 100, 0 corresponds with perfect equality where everyone has the same income, and 100 corresponds with perfect inequality, where one person has all the income and everyone else has no income), according to the World Bank China’s current GINI coefficient is 38.2, just 3.3 points more equal than capitalist United States at 41.5, but significantly more unequal than capitalist South Korea at 31.4, Japan at 32.9, and Taiwan at 33.6. In Europe, Germany’s GINI is 31.7, France is 32.4, and even Thatcherite England at 35.1 is more equal than China, let alone Norway and Finland both 27.7 or Sweden and Netherlands, both 29.5.[49]

Living the Big Lie

Yet the GINI coefficient vastly underestimates inequality in China because its estimates are based on reported incomes whereas, as I’ve discussed elsewhere,[50] in China official salaries are pocket change. Uniquely, compared to other modes of production like feudalism or capitalism, China’s CCP ruling class have become filthy rich, collectively perhaps the richest ruling class in the world, but they’re obliged to hide their wealth because it’s all ill-gotten, illegal. Which means that Communist Party members have to live the Big Lie, pretend to be “proletarian” revolutionaries like their “plain living and hard struggling” Maoist forebears of the 1930s and 40s while using their Party cards to tap the state’s ATMs. As China got rich, rivers of money flowed into government coffers from the profits of SOEs, foreign trade, taxes and so on and China accumulated the world’s largest foreign exchange hoard, nearly four trillion dollars in 2015. Yet individual CCP members have no legal title to any of that treasure. The only way they could take “their share” of the party-state’s wealth was to steal it by one means or another, and hide it: Loot the SOEs, the banks, pension funds, etc., list it in their wives’ and children’s names, stash it in secret offshore accounts in Panama or the Cayman Islands, smuggle it out through Hong Kong banks to buy properties in Vancouver or Los Angeles or New York, and so on.[51]

Millionaire and billionaire Chinese Communist Party officials, including Xi Jinping’s close relatives, accounted for the largest single national group of offshore secret account holders revealed in the Panama Papers.[52] As Deng Xiaoping said, “some have to get rich first,” so he saw to it that his own children were among the first at the trough.[53] If the secret wealth of China’s tens of millions of filthy rich Communist Party members were included, China’s GINI co-efficient score would be off the charts.

The fraud of “poverty eradication”

Xi claims his Party’s policies have “eradicated absolute poverty.” This claim is zealously promoted by Western Maoists who don’t trouble to look at the evidence for this claim.[54] What Xi has virtually eradicated is any public mention of poverty. In March, the Cyberspace Administration, the country’s internet regulator, announced that it would crack down on anyone who publishes videos or posts that portray “sadness, incite polarization, or create harmful information that damages the image of the Party.” It bans sad videos of old people, disabled people, and children.[55] When Hu Chenfeng, an underground journalist posted a heartbreaking video in which an elderly retired widow in Chengdu showed him what groceries she could buy with her monthly pension of 100 yuan or $14.50 (basically just rice), Hu’s video was censored and his accounts suspended.[56] Instead of eradicating poverty, Xi is manufacturing poverty as his crackdowns on the private businesses are throwing millions of workers, young and old, out of work. Youth unemployment is rising so fast that in August the embarrassed government stopped reporting youth unemployment statistics. Xi’s advice to China’s jobless futureless youth: “Go to the countryside and ‘eat bitterness’ like I did in the Cultural Revolution.”[57]

To make its claim that absolute poverty has been eradicated, China’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) uses the World Bank’s “extreme poverty” line of $1.90 per day (adjusted for inflation, the equivalent to $2.30 per day in 2011 Purchasing Power Parity) to count those in poverty (Figure 1 below, left panel).[58] But that number is highly misleading in respect of industrialized, urbanized, and comparatively wealthy China today. The World Bank says a threshold of $1.90 a day is appropriate for countries with annual per capita incomes of less than $1,000 or so, such as Ethiopia or China in the 1970s. For lower-middle-income countries such as India with per capita incomes between $1,000 and about $4,000, it says the poverty line should be $3.20 a day. For upper-middle-income countries like China, it says the poverty line should be $5.50 a day.[59] Using the Bank’s classification of US$1.90($2.30) per day, China’s poverty zeros out by 2018 (Figure 1, right panel, dark blue line) as Xi claims. But using the classification of $5.50 per day ($167 per month), the graph shows that about 20% of China’s 1.4 billion, 280 million people, were living in poverty in 2018 (Figure 1, right panel, light blue line). In May 2020 Premier Li Keqiang stated that “[t]he average per-capita income in China is RMB30,000 (US$4,193), but there are over 600 million people [43+% of the population] whose monthly income is barely RMB1,000 (US$140), not enough to rent a room in Chinese cities.”[60] In other words, after seven decades of “socialist modernization,” somewhere between 20% and 43% of China’s population still live in “extreme poverty.” By comparison, in countries that suffered the exigencies of capitalist modernization such as Taiwan, this figure is just 1.5%, in South Korea 15.1%, in Japan, 16.1%, in Hong Kong 19.9%, in France 13.6%, in Germany, 14.8%, in Thatcherite UK 18.6%. Even in the notoriously unequal United States, the figure is just 11.6%.[61]

 Table 1. China National Income and Consumption Expenditures In 2021

Urban per capita average wage/salary:      Y28,481

Urban per capita expenditures for living (cost of living): Y30,307

Rural per capita average wage/salary: Y18,931

Rural per capita expenditures for living (cost of living):        Y15,916

Source: National Bureau of Statistics of China, http://www.stats.gov.cn/english/PressRelease/202201/t20220118_1826649.html.

China’s 600+ million poor are comprised of the hundreds of millions of rural poor living in villages and farms, most of whom depend on remittances sent to them by their children working in the cities, laid-off SOE workers surviving on the dibao, and many of the 300 million apartheid underclass migrant workers who eke out a marginal existence as semi-legal workers in the cities.

Xinhua recently ran a headline entitled “U.S. mired in wave of strikes fueled by inequality.”[62] That’s true. But in Xi’s “whole-people democracy” people can’t even legally strike, protest, or even talk about poverty in public or on social media, let alone vote for a different party. What kind of democracy is that?

  1. “Chinese-style modernization is a modernization in which man and nature live in harmony.”

This thesis is cruel irony to the thousands of Chinese wasting away and dying in China’s hundreds of “cancer villages” or indeed to all Chinese.[63] Large swathes of China would count as EPA toxic waste dumps, more than any other large country in the world. 70% of its rivers and lakes are unsafe for human use of any kind, according to the government.[64] 80% of China’s ground water aquifers are officially “unfit for human consumption” because of industrial contamination.”[65] Not one city in “modern” China can provide potable tap water. Decades of wanton pollution of rivers, lakes, reservoirs, and aquifers with agricultural chemicals, industrial dumping, untreated sewage dumping, and use of industrial wastewater to irrigate farmlands has degraded much of China’s farmland, contaminated food supplies, and damaged the health of millions. Farm soils are contaminated with all manner of heavy metals including cadmium, mercury, chromium, lead, arsenic, and other chemicals. Officially at least 20% of China’s farmland is “seriously polluted” with heavy metals including cadmium, nickel, arsenic mercury, lead and other chemicals. Much of the rest is extensively contaminated.[66] In 2013, the Ministry of Lands reported that 2% of China’s farmland — an area the size of Belgium — was too polluted to grow crops. Efforts to clean up water and soil pollution have all been conspicuous failures.[67] Food contamination and food poisoning are never-ending nightmares in China, compounded by deliberate food adulteration for profit like the serial contaminated baby formula scandals since 2008 that continue to this day. That’s why Chinese parents scour grocery shelves, the internet, and implore their overseas relations and friends to bring or ship them safe foods from the “declining West.”[68] China has had so many drug and vaccine scandals that many Chinese refused to take the government’s Covid vaccines. Government regulation is an abject failure across the board.[69] Unsurprisingly, cancer is epidemic in China, “rising rapidly” while cancer indices are falling in the (declining) West.[70] Lung cancer is the leading cause of death in industrialized northern China, indeed, the top killer of both men and women in both urban and rural China.[71] After lung cancer, gastrointestinal cancers, closely associated with soil and water pollution, are leading causes of death in rural China.[72] Quoting Xi Jinping who said “If we do not do a good job in food safety, and continue to mishandle the issue, then people will ask whether our party is fit to rule China,” Professor Yanzhong Huang who has written an entire book on the pollution-induced health crisis in China, recently wrote:

Growing up in a village by the Yangtze River, I may have dreamed of having a bowl of rice every day, but I did not have to worry about the safety of my food. Now, with hundreds of millions of people being “lifted out of poverty,” their defining anxiety has shifted from food security to food safety. It is hard to imagine that China can regain its former greatness while its people lack uncontaminated soils on which to farm.”[73]

Xi is correct in saying that “under the capitalist modernization model, capital’s endless pursuit of profits [and] unrestrained demand for natural resources inevitably leads to ecological crisis.” Yet today it is ironically “socialist” China’s disproportionately huge CO2 emissions that are leading the world to climate collapse while its relentlessly growing resource consumption is plundering and annihilating ecologies around the world. China’s carbon emissions are nearly triple those of the United States with a GDP just two-thirds as large. Since 2019 China’s emissions have exceeded those of all developed countries combined and presently account for 33 per cent of total global emissions.[74]

It’s often said in China’s defense that while China’s current annual emissions may lead the world by far, historically, the United States has contributed the most CO2 to the atmosphere. That’s true. But according to NOAA, on current trends China’s cumulative emissions will exceed those of United States in just 15 years.[75] Even in per capita terms, China’s CO2 emissions “now exceed the average in the advanced economies” according to the IEA.[76]

“Socialist” China is also “outpacing the rest of the world in natural resource use” according to the United Nations. In a 2013 report, UNEP concluded that “China’s growing affluence has made it the world’s largest consumer of primary materials (such as construction minerals, metal ores, fossil fuels and biomass), with domestic material consumption levels four times that of the USA.”[77] In per capita terms, PRC Chinese still consume a tiny fraction, roughly a fifteenth as much natural resources, as do Americans. As the Sierra Club has written: “With less than 5 percent of world population, the U.S. uses one-third of the world’s paper, a quarter of the world’s oil, 23 percent of the coal, 27 percent of the aluminum, and 19 percent of the copper. Our per capita use of energy, metals, minerals, forest products, fish, grains, meat, and even freshwater dwarfs that of people living in the developing world.”[78] But, again, the planet does not care about per capita consumption, only total consumption. And in this regard, without in the least excusing Western capitalism’s obscene per capita levels of resource consumption[79] still, as I’ve written elsewhere:

China’s voracious consumption of natural resources is out of all proportion to any rational economic need, and flagrantly disregards local and international environmental regulations and laws. Conservationists liken China to “a giant vacuum cleaner of the natural world.”

China is the leading driver of global deforestation, consuming more lumber than the rest of the world put together. It is also the largest importer of illegally logged lumber. While protecting its own forests, China is leveling forests from Siberia to South America to satisfy the voracious appetite of its construction companies, papermakers, and flooring and furniture manufacturers. A recent headline in the South China Morning Post read: “Chinese consumers’ crazy rich demand for rosewood propels drive toward its extinction.”

Chinese loggers are also destroying the habitats of Siberian tigers, Amur leopards, Indonesian orangutans, and dozens of rare birds, driving an untold number of species to the edge of extinction. Just as there’s no market in China for ecologically certified lumber, neither is there a market for ecologically certified palm oil, beef, seafood, or agricultural products. . . It’s fishing fleets plunder the world’s oceans, depriving North Koreans, coastal Africans and Latin Americans of fishing jobs.

China is the largest consumer by far of illegally poached wildlife— elephants, lions, tigers, rhinos, sharks, pangolins, and dozens of exotic bird species—for its booming trade in traditional medicine. With state media fully occupied trumpeting patriotic propaganda about “Amazing China,” its citizens have no idea that their country leads the world in CO2 emissions, nor that their country is almost single-handedly responsible for the industrial-scale slaughter of exotic fauna and flora at the center of the “Sixth Extinction.”[80]

Xi Jinping is emphatically correct to say that “We will not be able to follow the old path of the United States and Europe in building a modern country, and a few more earths are not enough for the Chinese to consume. The old way, to consume resources, to pollute the environment, cannot be sustained!” But why then, is his Chinese-style civilization consuming more natural resources per unit of GDP than the U.S. or Europe? Why are China’s fishing fleets plundering the world’s oceans, devastating fisheries (and destroying the livelihoods of fishermen) in Africa, South America, the South Pacific and Indian oceans?[81] Why is China the leading driver of exotic species extinction?[82] Why does it lead the world in dumping toxic pollution in lakes rivers and farmland? And why is “socialist” China leading the world to climate collapse?[83]

The fact is, neither Western capitalism nor China’s hybrid communist-capitalism are sustainable. They’re both suicidally unsustainable. Ecologically speaking, the fundamental contradiction in Xi’s “Chinese-style modernization” is his assumption that he can decouple resource consumption and emissions from growth in order to maintain that 6%+ growth rate to overtake the United States and become the world’s top superpower. As I argued in my book and follow-up article, such decoupling is as impossible in Communist China as in the capitalist West. Xi can, as he promised the world in his 2020 televised speech to the United Nations, either “transition to green and low-carbon development . . [and] take the minimum steps to protect the Earth, our shared homeland,” or he can pursue his 6%+ growth rate. He can’t do both — and neither can we. Infinite growth on a finite planet is the road to collective ecological suicide.[84]

Notes:

[1] Christian Shepherd, “No regrets: Xi says Marxism still ‘totally correct’ for China,” Reuters, May 4, 2018, https://www.reuters.com/article/cnews-us-germany-marx-china-idCAKBN1I50ET-OCATP.

[2] The Prussian military question and the German Workers Party, January-February 1865, MEW 16,87, Hal Draper, Karl Marx Theory of Revolution (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), Vol. II, 282 (emphasis in original), also 273-74.

[3] Socialism Utopian and Scientific, in Marx and Engels: Selected Works, 3, 105, in Draper, op cit., 275.

[4] Bloomberg, “Xi Jinping millionaire relations reveal elite Chinese fortunes,” June 29, 2012, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2012-06-29/xi-jinping-millionaire-relations-reveal-fortunes-of-elite?sref=4KuSK5Q1. https://www.quora.com/If-Xi-Jinping-earns-less-than-100-000-USD-a-year-then-who-pays-for-his-daughters-Harvard-education. A question to Quora in September 2022, “If Xi Jinping earns less than $100,000 then who pays for his daughter’s Harvard education?” returned this answer from a Mr. Lan Yanchiu, a teacher in China: “Easy: I pay for it. Just like it is me who pays for Xi’s and his extensive family’s Shanghai and Hong Kong assets and properties, Canada and Cayman Islands companies, moreover it is me who pays for the personal wealth of each of the billionaire members of the National People’s Congress and of the Politburo. This money disappears precisely from my pocket and other Chinese citizens’ pocket and re-appears in their pocket. This is “communism with special Chinese characteristics”: the principle that “in communism there is no private property” is understood by the Party in the way that “you might think you own things, but we have the right to take anything from you at any time we wish.” https://www.quora.com/If-Xi-Jinping-earns-less-than-100-000-USD-a-year-then-who-pays-for-his-daughters-Harvard-education. Lan’s response has been subsequently deleted.

[5] “Xi Jinping’s daughter Xi Mingze living in America, reveals US Senator Hartzler,” Economic Times, February 21, 2022, https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/world-news/xi-jinpings-daughter-xi-mingze-living-in-america-reveals-us-senator-hartzler/articleshow/89728856.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst.

[6] “Immigrant population by country of origin and destination, mid-2020. Estimates,” Migration Policy Institute, 2023, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/immigrant-and-emigrant-populations-country-origin-and-destination?width=1000&height=850&iframe=true. See also, Heidi Østbø Haugen and Tabitha Speelman, “China’s rapid development has transformed its migration trends,” Migration Policy Institute, January 28, 2022, https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/china-development-transformed-migration.

[7] U.S. Census Bureau,

https://www.commerce.gov/news/blog/2023/05/us-census-bureau-releases-key-stats-honor-2023-asian-american-native-hawaiian-and#:~:text=5.2%20million,and%20Japanese%20(1.6%20million).

[8] “She was supposed to be China’s Future. After ‘Zero Covid,’ she wants to leave,” interview by Lulu Garcia-Navarro, New York Times, December 15, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/15/opinion/china-zero-covid-chinese-dream.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare.

[9] “China needs foreign workers. So why won’t it embrace immigration?” Economist, May 4, 2023, https://www.economist.com/china/2023/05/04/china-needs-foreign-workers-so-why-wont-it-embrace-immigration; Haugen and Speelman, op cit.

[10] Reuters, “China ‘banning thousands of citizens and foreigners from leaving country,” Guardian, May 2, 2023,  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/02/china-barring-thousands-of-citizens-and-foreigners-from-leaving-country; Chan Ho-him and Primrose Riodan, “Hong Kong political elite pressed to give up western passports,” Financial Times, March 5, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/27atn4w8; Sammy Heung, “’Preparation for emigration’ courses under fire as lawmakers call for inclusion of national security clauses in subsidy conditions,” South China Morning Post, February 15, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/3bnvn45r.

[11] Li Yuan, “‘The last generation’: the disillusionment of young Chinese,” New York Times, March 24, 2022,  https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/24/business/china-covid-zero.html.

[12] Eileen Sullivan, “Chinese join migrant crush on U.S. border,” New York Times, November 25, 2023.

[13] “Growing numbers of Chinese citizens set their sights on the US – via the deadly Darian Gap,” Guardian, March 8, 2023,  https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/mar/09/growing-numbers-of-chinese-citizens-set-their-sights-on-the-us-via-the-deadly-darien-gap.

[14] Eg. John Bellamy Foster et al., “Why is the great project of Ecological Civilization specific to China?” Monthly Review, October 1, 2022, https://mronline.org/2022/10/01/why-is-the-great-project-of-ecological-civilization-specific-to-china/; Vijay Prashad, “China eradicates absolute poverty while billionaires go for a joyride in space: the Thirty-First Newsletter (2021),” Monthly Review, August 6, 2021, https://mronline.org/2021/08/06/china-eradicates-absolute-poverty-while-billionaires-go-for-a-joyride-to-space-the-thirty-first-newsletter-2021/.

[15] Li Yuan, “Last generation,” op cit.

[16] Stevenson, “China’s male leaders signal” op cit.

[17] Eg. Hawon Jung, “Women in South Korea are on strike against being ‘baby-making machines,’” New York Times, January 26, 2023.

[18] Nicole Hong and Zixu Wang, public is wary of trying to push for baby boom,” New York Times, February 26, 2023. Barclay Bram, “The last generation: why China’s youth are deciding against having children,” Asia Society Policy Institute, January 23, 2023, https://asiasociety.org/policy-institute/last-generation-why-chinas-youth-are-deciding-against-having-children.

[19] “It’s a man’s world. No more women leaders in China’s Communist Party,” France 24, October 24, 2022, https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20221024-it-s-a-man-s-world-no-more-women-leaders-in-china-s-communist-party.

[20] Gan and Wang, op cit.

[21] “What is China’s 996 work culture that is polarizing its Silicon valleys,” South China Morning Post, June 9, 2021,  https://www.scmp.com/tech/tech-trends/article/3136510/what-996-gruelling-work-culture-polarising-chinas-silicon-valley.  Li Yuan, “China’s young people can’t find jobs. Xi Jinping says to ‘eat bitterness,’” New York Times, June 2, 2023.

[22] Jeff Pao, “Youths’ desperate ‘four no’ attitude worries China,” Asia Times, July 13, 2023, https://asiatimes.com/2023/07/youths-desperate-four-no-attitude-worries-china/.

[23] Nicolas Eberstadt, “China’s collapsing birth and marriage rates reflect a people’s deep pessimism, Washington Post, February 28, 2023; Fay Yiying and Chen Jiangyi, “After 3 years of Covid, China’s Gen-Z are mourning their lost future,” Sixth Tone, December 6, 2022, https://tinyurl.com/4cwe2mbv.

[24] Summarizing the economic achievements of the Mao era, historian John Fitzgerald writes: “Before the start of China’s reforms, 800 million people were living below the poverty line, basically the entire population give or take a few million senior party, cadres and technical expert living in a relative comfort. When the Communists seized power 30 years earlier, there had been roughly 400,000,000 people living below the poverty line. Again, that was the entire population of the country at that time. Over the intervening period of Maoist rule, the number of people living below the poverty line doubled to 800, million.” Cadre Country (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2022), 56.

[25] World Bank, “The East Asian Miracle (World Bank/Oxford University Press, 1993), https://documents.worldbank.org/en/publication/documents-reports/documentdetail/975081468244550798/main-report; Umesh C. Gulati, “The foundations of rapid economic growth: the case of the four tigers,” The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Apr., 1992), 161-172, https://www.jstor.org/stable/3487387.

[26] According to the criteria of national income established by the World Bank, China became a lower-middle-income country in 2001 and an upper-middle-income country in 2010, https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/china/overview.

[27] Finbarr Berminghan, “Beijing envoy warns Dutch of retaliation for chip curbs: ‘China won’t just swallow this,’” South China Morning Post, March 22, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3214361/china-wont-just-swallow-beijing-envoy-warns-dutch-retaliation-chip-curbs. As James McGregor, author of a history of China’s innovation drive “writes, “while China’s scientists, prodded by the state, are making gains, significant discoveries and inventions are still few and far between given the enormous sums of money spent and China’s impressive and fast-growing talent pool.” “China’s drive for ‘indigenous innovation’—a web of industrial policies,” APCO, 2010, 4,

https://www.uschamber.com/sites/default/files/documents/files/100728chinareport_0_0.pdf; Scott L. Montgomery, “Why China may never be the world leader in science,” Global Policy Journal, March 21,2023, https://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/12/09/2022/why-china-may-never-be-world-leader-science. Zhang Jun, “The Western illusion of Chinese innovation,” Project Syndicate, July 30, 2018: https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/myth-of-chinese-innovation-capacity-by-zhang-jun-2018-07.

[28] “Full text of the Chinese Communist Party’s new resolution on history,” Nikei Asia, November 19, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Full-text-of-the-Chinese-Communist-Party-s-new-resolution-on-history; “Xi Jinping is rewriting history to justify his rule for years to come,” Economist, November 6, 2021; Chun Han Wong, “China’s museums rewrite history to boost Xi,” Wall Street Journal, August 20, 2018, https://www.wsj.com/articles/sleight-at-the-museum-china-rewrites-history-to-boost-xi-1534766405.

[29] Douglas Zhihua Zeng, “China’s Special Economic Zones and industrial clusters: Successes and challenges,” World Bank blog, April 27, 2011, https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/china-s-special-economic-zones-and-industrial-clusters-success-and-challenges.

[30] See photos of the Foxconn nets and jail-like bars on dormitory windows in Smith, China’s Engine chapter 1.

[31] World Bank, “China’s Special Economic Zones: Experience gained,” n.d., https://www.worldbank.org/content/dam/Worldbank/Event/Africa/Investing%20in%20Africa%20Forum/2015/investing-in-africa-forum-chinas-special-economic-zone.pdf.

[32] Nicholas R. Lardy, Markets Over Mao (Washington D.C.: Peterson Institute, 2014), 85.

[33] Yoko Kubot, “Apple’s China engineers keep products flowing as Covid shuts out U.S. staff,” Wall Street Journal, May 9, 2022, https://www.wsj.com/articles/apples-china-engineers-keep-products-flowing-as-covid-shuts-out-u-s-staff-11652094929; Ryosuke Matsui, “In China decoupling, companies still rely on Chinese know-how,” Nikkei Asia, March 17, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/Supply-Chain/In-China-decoupling-companies-still-rely-on-Chinese-know-how.

[34] Natsumi Kawasaki, “Eclipsed by Chinese rivals, Panasonic quits solar cells and panels,” Nikei Asia, January 31, 2021, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Electronics/Eclipsed-by-Chinese-rivals-Panasonic-quits-solar-cells-and-panels.

[35] Bloomberg, “China’s $220 billion biotech initiative is struggling to take off,” May 15, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-05-15/china-biotech-stumbles-despite-220-billion-investment#xj4y7vzkg; Bloomberg, “Next China: losing mojo” May 19, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-11-03/amazon-founder-jeff-bezos-announces-move-to-miami-from-seattle?sref=4KuSK5Q1; McGregor, op cit.; Matthew Johnson, “The CCP absorbs China’s private sector: capitalism with party characteristics,” Hoover Institution, September 2003, https://www.hoover.org/research/ccp-absorbs-chinas-private-sector-capitalism-party-characteristics; Max J. Zenglein and Jacob Gunter, “The party knows best: aligning economic actors with China’s strategic goals,” MERICS, October 2023, https://merics.org/en/report/party-knows-best-aligning-economic-actors-chinas-strategic-goals;

[36] Smith, China’s Engine, 2.

[37] Alexandra Harney, The China Price: The True Cost of Chinese Competitive Advantage (London: Penguin, 2008), 3.

[38] Floris-Jan van Lyun, A Floating City of Peasants: The Great Migration in Contemporary China (New York: New Press, 2006); Tom Miller, China’s Urban Billion (London: Zed, 2012); Chris Buckley, “Why parts of Beijing look like a devastated warzone,” New York Times, November 30, 2017,  https://www.nytimes.com/2017/11/30/world/asia/china-beijing-migrants.html.

[39] China Labor Bulletin, “Introduction to China Labour Bulletin Strike Map,” May, 2022, https://clb.org.hk/en/content/introduction-china-labour-bulletin’s-strike-map: Marrian Zhou, “Factory strikes flare up in China as economic woes deepen,” NikkeiAsia, August 28, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Business-trends/Factory-strikes-flare-up-in-China-as-economic-woes-deepen; Gerry Shih, “’Everyone is getting locked up’: as workers grow disgruntled, China strikes at labor activists,” Washington Post, December 24, 2019, https://chinalaborwatch.org/everyone-is-getting-locked-up-as-workers-grow-disgruntled-china-strikes-at-labor-activists/.

[40] Chandini Monnappa and Phartiyal, “Apple supplier Wistron could not manage scaled up India plan, government report says,” Reuters, December 19, 2020, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-apple-india-wistron/apple-supplier-wistron-could-not-manage-scaled-up-india-plant-government-report-says-idUSKBN28T0C9.

[41] Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 2 and the sources cited therein. For a case study see, Qin Shao, Shanghai Gone (New York: Roman & Littlefield, 201).

[42] “Why China is so good at building railways,” Youtube, n.d., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0JDoll8OEFE&list=RDCMUC9RM-iSvTu1uPJb8X5yp3EQ&start_radio=1&rv=0JDoll8OEFE&t=3. Also Shin Watanabe, “China Railway expands high-speed network as profits take back seat,” NikkieAsia, January 29, 2023, https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Transportation/China-Railway-expands-high-speed-network-as-profits-take-back-seat.

[43] Manipadma Jena, “Land taken for Indian car factory returned to farmers, bears fruit,” Reuters, May 9, 2017, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-india-landrights-farming/land-taken-for-indian-car-factory-returned-to-farmers-bears-fruit-idUSKBN1851LI.

[44] Buckley, “Why parts of Beijing look like a war zone,” op. cit.; Lucas Niewenhuis, “Bejing evictions reach into the tens of thousands, destroying livelihoods of migrants,” China Project, November 30, 2017, https://thechinaproject.com/2017/11/30/beijing-evictions-reach-tens-thousands-destroying-livelihoods-migrants/; Tania Branigan, “Millions of Chinese rural migrants denied education for their children,” Guardian, March 14, 2010, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2010/mar/15/china-migrant-workers-children-education; Andrew Jacobs, “China takes aim at rural influx,” New York Times, August 29, 2011, https://www.nytimes.com/2011/08/30/world/asia/30china.html; Li Yuan, “China is deleting poverty, one video at a time,” New York Times, May 8, 2023.

[45] On the fate of the migrant workers see Li Yuan, “After building up China, they have nothing to fall back on,” New York Times, November 1, 2023. On the fate of the SOE workers see Dorothy Solinger, Poverty and Pacification: The Chinese State Abandons the Old Working Class (New York: Rowman& Littlefield, 2022) and Sarosh Kuruvilla et al., From Iron Rice Bowl to Informalization (Ithaca: Cornell, 2011). On the real beneficiaries of the dibao system see Jennifer Pan, Welfare for Autocrats (Oxford: OUP, 2020).

[46] Ding Yi, “China has more billionaires than the U.S. and India combined,” Caixin, February 26, 2020,  https://www.caixinglobal.com/2020-02-26/china-has-more-billionaires-than-us-and-india-combined-hurun-report-101520792.html.

[47] Joseph Kahn, “The nation: party of the rich: China’s congress of crony capitalists,” New York Times, November 10, 2022; Su-Lee Wee, “China’s parliament is a growing billionaires club,” New York Times, March 1, 2018.

[48] David Barboza, “Billions in hidden riches for family of Chinese leader,” New York Times, October 25, 2012; “Xi Jinping millionaire relations,” op cit.; “Heirs of Mao’s comrades rise as new capitalist nobility,” Bloomberg, December 26, 2012, www. bloomberg.com/news/2012-12-26/immortals-beget-china-capitalism-from-citic-to-godfather-of-golf.html.

[49] World Bank, GINI Index, 2019, https://www.indexmundi.com/facts/indicators/SI.POV.GINI/rankings; Bert Hofman, “China’s common prosperity drive,” EAI, September 3, 2021, https://research.nus.edu.sg/eai/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/09/EAIC-33-20210903.pdf.

[50] China’s Engine, chapter 6.

[51] Keith Bradsher and Joy Dong, “Suitcases of cash: How China’s money flows out,” New York Times, November 28, 2023.

[52] On illegal CCP cadre income see, again, China’s Engine, chapter 6. For the revelations about Chinese kleptocrats in the Panama Papers see Stuart Lau, “Chinese dominate list of people and firms hiding money in tax havens, Panama Papers reveal,” South China Morning Post, May 10, 2016, www. scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1943463/chinese-dominate-list-people-and-firms-hiding-money-tax-havens-panama; Patti Waldmeir and Tom Mitchell, “Panama Papers: Top officials tied to offshore companies,” CNBC News, April7, 2016, www.cnbc.com/2016/04/07/panama-papers-top-china-leaders-tied-to- offshore-companies.html.

[53] Smith, China’s Engine, 136ff.

[54] Eg. China and the Left: A Socialist Perspective, https://www.codepink.org/chinaandtheleft.

[55] Li Yuan, “China is deleting poverty,” op cit.

[56] Ibid.

[57] Li Yuan, “Chinese grads struggle to find work. Xi shrugs,” New York Times, June 2, 2023.

[58] World Bank, Four Decades of Poverty Reduction in China (Washington D.C., 2022), 2, Figure 1,  https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/bdadc16a4f5c1c88a839c0f905cde802-0070012022/original/Poverty-Synthesis-Report-final.pdf; Indermit Gil, “Deep-sixing poverty in China,” Brookings Institute, January 25, 2021, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/future-development/2021/01/25/deep-sixing-poverty-in-china/; World Bank, Understanding Poverty, https://www.worldbank.org/en/understanding-poverty.

[59] World Bank, op cit.; Gil, op cit.

[60] Bert Hofman, op cit.; Li Qiaoyi, “600m with $140 monthly income worries top,” Global Times, May 29, 2020, https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1189968.shtml.

[61] World Bank, CIA Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/field/population-below-poverty-line/;

U.S. Census Bureau, Poverty in the United States: 2021, https://www.census.gov/library/publications/2022/demo/p60-277.html.

[62] October 11, 2023, http://en.people.cn/n3/2023/1011/c90000-20081876.html.

[63] Jonathan Kaiman, “Inside China’s ‘cancer villages’” Guardian, June 4, 2013, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/jun/04/china-villages-cancer-deaths. For a survey of water and soil pollution, and food contamination, see Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 3.

[64] Mark T. Buntaine et al., “Citizen monitoring of waterways decreases pollution in China by supporting government action and oversight,” PNAS, July 12, 2021, https://www.pnas.org/doi/10.1073/pnas.2015175118.

[65] Shan Jie, “Groundwater 80% polluted,” Global Times, April 12, 2016, https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/978117.shtml.

[66] Jennifer Duggan, “One fifth of China’s farmland polluted,” Guardian, April 18, 2014,  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/chinas-choice/2014/apr/18/china-one-fifth-farmland-soil-pollution.

[67] Bloomberg, “China says land the size of Belgium too polluted to farm,” December 31, 2013, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2013-12-31/china-says-arable-land-size-of-belgium-too-polluted-for-farming?sref=4KuSK5Q1. See Smith, China’s Engine, 62-64 on the failure of cleanup efforts, notably Lake Tai.

[68] Louise Moon, “China’s parents haunted by melamine baby milk scandal still favour foreign brands,” South China Morning Post, February 22, 2022.

[69] See Smith, China’s Engine, chapter 3 for numerous examples. Also, Orang Wang, Editorial, “Action needed to put a lid on trade in baby milk formula,” South China Morning Post, March 2, 2019, https://www.scmp.com/comment/insight-opinion/article/2188379/action-needed-put-lid-trade-baby-milk-formula?module=hard_link&pgtype=article.

[70] Yanzhong Huang, Toxic Politics: China’s Environmental Health Crisis and its Challenge to the State (Cambridge: CUP, 2020), 31.

[71] Ibid. 32.

[72] Avraham Ebenstein, “Water pollution and digestive cancers in China,” Population Association of America papers, 2009, https://paa2009.populationassociation.org/papers/91541#:~:text=In%20summary%2C%20the%20results%20suggest,effect%20on%20digestive%20cancer%20rates; Tan Ee Lyn, “China’s ‘cancer villages’ bear witness to economic boom,” Reuters, September 16, 2009,https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-china-pollution-cancer/chinas-cancer-villages-bear-witness-to-economic-boom-idUKTRE58G00B20090917.

[73] Yanzhong Huang, “In China, food safety is threatened by an increasingly opaque political system, South China Morning Post, January 10, 2021, https://www.scmp.com/magazines/post-magazine/long-reads/article/3116884/china-food-safety-threatened-increasingly-opaque.

[74] Climate Action Tracker (CAT), n.d., climateactiontracker.org/China, and climateactiontracker/United States, accessed July 22, 2023; International Energy Agency (IEA). 2021. Global Energy Review 2021. Paris: IEA.www.iea.org/reports/global-energy-review-2021; Larsen, Kate, Hannah Pitt, Mikhail Grant, and Trevor Houser, “China’s greenhouse gas emissions exceeded the developed world for the first time in 2019.’ Research Note, May 6, 2021, Rhodium Group. rhg.com/research/chinas-emissions-surpass-developed-countries; IEA, “Global emissions rebounded to their highest level in history in 2021,” https://www.iea.org/news/global-co2-emissions-rebounded-to-their-highest-level-in-history-in-2021#.

[75] Michon Scott, “Does it matter how much the United States reduces its carbon dioxide emissions if China doesn’t do the same?” Climate.gov, August 30, 2023, https://www.climate.gov/news-features/climate-qa/does-it-matter-how-much-united-states-reduces-its-carbon-dioxide-emissions#:~:text=In%20fact%2C%20at%20China%27s%202021,up%20to%20the%20United%20States.

[76] IEA, Global Energy Review, March 2022, https://www.iea.org/reports/global-energy-review-co2-emissions-in-2021-2#.

[77] UN Environment Program, August 2, 2013, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/press-release/china-outpacing-rest-world-natural-resource-use. See also Elizabeth C. Economy and Michael Levi, By All Means Necessary: How China’s Resource Quest is Changing the World (Oxford: OUP, 2014).

[78] “United States consumption, E-The Environmental Magazine,” September 14, 2012, https://www.blueridgeoutdoors.com/go-outside/united-states-consumption/.

[79] Which I’ve criticized elsewhere, eg., Smith, Green capitalism: The God That Failed (WEA, 2016).

[80] Smith, China’s Engine, xviii-xix.

[81] Steven Lee Myers et al., “How China targets the global fish supply,” New York Times, September 26, 2022, https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/09/26/world/asia/china-fishing-south-america.html.

[82] Smith, China’s Engine, Introduction.

[83] Smith, China’s Engine, Introduction.

[84] “Smith, “Climate arsonist Xi Jinping: a carbon-neutral economy with a 6% growth rate? Real-World Economics Review, no.94, December 9, 2020, 52, http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue94/Smith94.pdf.

The Meaning of “Moderate Bolshevism”: A Book Review Essay

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Tomsky in the 1920s as head of the trade union movement in Soviet Russia.

Charters Wynn, The Moderate Bolshevik. Mikhail Tomsky from the Factory to the Kremlin, 1880-1936. Chicago, IL.: Haymarket Books, 2023, 457 pages.

Mikhail Tomsky is far from a household name among left-wing activists except for those who have studied the history of the Russian Revolution in some depth. In a very thorough account of the life of Tomsky, the American historian Charters Wynn goes an appreciable distance in reversing that unfortunate situation. As Wynn shows, Tomsky was an important Bolshevik leader as the long-time head of the trade unions and for many years a member of the Political Bureau of the ruling Communist (Bolshevik) party. Wynn does well to emphasize that Tomsky was a working-class Bolshevik. A highly skilled worker who never had a formal higher education, he became an autodidact worker intellectual with a very self-confident presence, oratorical skills, and administrative abilities. (53) Generally considered as a hard-working, modest, and honest leader, party comrades such as Lenin himself appreciated his character and temper. (118)

What was the meaning of Tomsky’s “Moderate” Bolshevism”?

Charters Wynn makes a reasonable case in portraying Tomsky as a “moderate” Bolshevik referring most of all to Tomsky’s cautious political perspective on what the party could and should do as a revolutionary party. Accordingly, Tomsky was not among the Bolshevik leaders who supported Lenin’s revolutionary line vis a vis the provisional government as expressed in his “April Theses.” Similarly, Tomsky, like most Bolshevik leaders including Lenin, tried to avoid and restrain the premature insurrection of workers, soldiers, and sailors in July of 1917. The failure of that rebellion unleashed a great wave of repression that inflicted a very serious blow on the Bolsheviks. Tomsky, who was among the Bolshevik leaders arrested by the Provisional Government, wrote at the time that the success of the counter revolution was, in his opinion, “the direct result of the conciliations, vacillation, and indecision” towards the premature insurrectionists of Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders. But possibly contradicting himself, he nevertheless considered the July uprising a praiseworthy attempt “to expand and deepen the revolution.” (52) Moreover, on the eve of the revolutionary seizure of power in October 1917, Tomsky and other moderates feared that an attempt to seize power could either end in failure, like the July days, or if successful, could provoke a civil war. Like other moderate Bolsheviks, Left Mensheviks and Left SRs, Tomsky favored instead a broad socialist government including all these political parties. But unlike Kamenev and Zinoviev who went public with their criticisms of the planned insurrection, Tomsky only voiced his criticism at party gatherings, and followed Lenin’s lead in the preparations for the seizure of power in Moscow, although without much enthusiasm. (54-55)

In this context, the author tends to downplay the revolutionary possibilities unleashed in several European countries by the imperialist war.  Charters Wynn leaves us in the dark as to whether Tomsky had seriously considered it in weighing the possibility of a continent-wide socialist revolution like the wave of democratic revolutions that took place in Europe in 1848. If we follow the author’s account, it seems that Tomsky did not think about the issue very much, other than to state without any further elaboration that he did not think the masses in the developed west European countries were interested in a socialist revolution.

How shall we then evaluate, in overall terms, Tomsky’s “Bolshevik moderation” before the October revolution, which marked the seizure of power by a mass movement led by the Bolsheviks and Left SRs parties that had massively grown since they took the lead in defeating the right-wing coup led by General Kornilov in August? We can see, with the benefit of hindsight, that Tomsky and his political allies were correct in their fear that the revolution that took place in October might lead to a civil war. But we need to pose the question of whether that danger would have been significantly lower if the kind of all-socialist government advocated by Tomsky and others had come to power. General Kornilov’s failed Coup in August was after all directed against the non-revolutionary government led by Kerensky as well as to groups and political parties to its left.

The Bolsheviks lost the necessary revolutionary gamble that they took in October of 1917, in great part determined by the objective nature and effects of the Civil War (1918-1920) and in great part, by the non-inevitable policy choices that the Bolsheviks made while in power. In that context, Tomsky’s moderation sometimes acquired a different meaning based on the simple notion that a moderate version, let alone the opposition, to a bad revolutionary government policy, is preferable to an unmoderated application of the same. This was certainly the case with Tomsky’s opposition, as a Bolshevik trade union leader, to Trotsky’s advocacy of the militarization of labor during the Civil War, as well as to Stalin’s brutal policies involved in the collectivization of agriculture. In other words, in these instances, Tomsky’s “moderation” helped to oppose anti-socialist and anti-democratic policies.

However, there were several major questions where Tomsky’s “moderation” had the opposite effect of helping to reduce rather than increase the prospects of working-class socialism and democracy. I am referring for example to his successful foreign policy effort, as the chair of the USSR’s trade unions, to develop ties with the European unions, most of which, were under non-communist and anti-communist leadership, and particularly to his important contribution to the creation and development of the Anglo-Russian Committee bringing together the Russian and British unions. Tomsky’s dedication to this task was clearly reinforced by Moscow’s adoption of the United Front policy to organize joint action with working class forces to the right of the Communist parties. The defeat of the German revolution in 1923 had left no doubt that this was the right political course to follow.

The big problem was that the British TUC (Trade Union Council) was not predominantly militant or leftist, let alone Communist in composition, a reality that could only add tremendous strains to Tomsky’s agenda. This became most evident in the 1926 general strike in Great Britain that as Charters Wynn points out “would bring to the breaking point, not only the possibility of achieving international trade-union unity, but the continuation of the Anglo-Russian Committee as well.” (195) Basing itself on totally false claims about the supposed decline of the strike, the TUC called it off after nine days, without even consulting the miners who were at the center of the strike dispute. This turned out to be a disaster with the TUC unions losing more than half a million members. Failing to take proper stock of the situation, Tomsky’s initial reaction was to claim that the aborted strike constituted “the partial moral victory of the proletariat” and it would contribute “toward the ultimate success of the proletarian struggle” in conditions “more favorable than the current ones,” (199-200)  When the Russian leadership quickly changed course and even compelled Tomsky to denounce the actions of the TUC, this, as might have been expected,  clearly outraged the Council. Upset by the hardening attitudes of the Soviet leadership towards the TUC, Tomsky sent the British union leaders a conciliatory letter hoping that the Anglo-Russian Committee would not let differences of opinion with the Soviet government “disturb our co-operative work.” (204) Although Tomsky later denounced the General Council in September 1926, accusing them of “going over to the enemy” with its “bend the knee attitude towards the government,” (207) he would later change his political posture once again at a meeting with the British delegation  in Berlin in the spring of 1927 by accepting all the British demands including the stipulation that both sides refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs in order to ensure the survival of the Anglo-Russian Committee. (208)  Leon Trotsky denounced the “Berlin capitulation” arguing that it was wrong for Tomsky to talk of “unanimity” and “cordial relations” with those who had betrayed, and would again betray, the working class. (209)

Charters Wynn argues that “the evidence indicates that Tomsky acted in good faith. He genuinely sought a working alliance with the Western non-communist left.” (212) But Wynn clearly shows Tomsky’s apparent lack of a long-term vision and his wavering responses to pressures as he was pushed “to and from” by the Russian leadership as well as by the British trade union bureaucracy. Thus, the least that can be said about the net effect of Tomsky’s efforts as a leader of the Soviet cooperation with the British trade unions is that these did not contribute to the development of the militancy and class consciousness of the British labor movement and to the adoption of a cogent internationalist policy by the Soviet Union.

In the end, what is missing from Wynn’s picture is the question of whether Tomsky had, as an important Russian Communist leader in his own right, a thought-out point of view on how his “moderate” political work, whether in terms of the alliance with Western trade union leaders or any other issues, fitted into his overall Communist politics. Tomsky was after all a worker-intellectual who had been an “insider” in the Bolshevik party for a long time and must have been thoroughly familiar with its leading politicians and their often divergent and conflicting politics. It is on this issue that I find the biggest weakness of this otherwise informative and often persuasive book by Charters Wynn. If Tomsky was indeed a “moderate” this surely did not refer only to tactical and even strategic issues but also to the more fundamental politics of the Bolshevik Party. The question then becomes as to how Tomsky concretely differed from and was similar to other Bolshevik tendencies. That is why Wynn repeatedly referring to Trotsky’s “arrogance” and only substantively discussing Trotsky’s advocacy of the militarization of labor during the Civil War – arguably the worst position Trotsky took on any important issue – will not do without at least a brief discussion of Trotsky’s views on permanent revolution, internationalism, and NEP, in relation to which Tomsky may have been a “moderate.” The same applies to Nikolai Bukharin. In spite of Tomsky’s “moderation” and its similarity to Bukharin’s “right-Bolshevik” politics, Wynn does not tell us about the policies Bukharin advocated, for example, towards the peasantry and what Tomsky’s thought about them.

A more sociological class-based approach to Tomsky’s politics is suggested by Wynn’s brief citation of Leon Trotsky to the effect that as a trade-union leader Tomsky “had to deal not only with the vanguard of the working class [namely party members] but with the larger backward strata as well.” (381) Even if brief, Trotsky’s allusion to Tomsky’s politics raises momentous issues regarding the prospects for working class revolution and working-class democratic rule. It assumes that while in opposition, the job of the conscious political minority organized in the revolutionary party is to push for a revolutionary program, and accordingly, conduct propaganda, agitation, and concrete actions to win over the largest possible number of oppressed and exploited people. In her pamphlet on the Russian Revolution written in prison in September 1918, Rosa Luxemburg sharply criticized the parliamentary cretinism of German Social Democracy that claimed that to carry out anything, you must first have a majority. But against that “principle,” Luxemburg argued that “the true dialectic of revolutions, however, stands this wisdom of parliamentary moles on its head: not through a majority through revolutionary tactics, but through revolutionary tactics to a majority – that is the way the road runs.”

One thing the revolutionary party does not have to do at this stage brilliantly analyzed by Rosa Luxemburg, is to govern a society composed of the advanced as well as the “backward” strata of the working class, let alone other social classes and strata supporting, opposing as well as vacillating on its support for the new order. Moreover, if this new order is to be democratic, the vanguard cannot simply act as a sovereign body, disregarding the wishes of other popular forces.

Tomsky and Socialist Democracy

Although generally sympathetic to Tomsky, Charters Wynn points out that the Bolshevik leader was “hardly a voice for pluralism and tolerance” in the power struggles within the party. Amid periods of extreme party infighting, Tomsky not only suggested that his party opponents should be expelled from the organization but also that they deserved to be arrested for such crimes as demoralizing non-party workers or spreading ideas that encouraged them to conspire against the party. Although Wynn tells us that Tomsky would later come to deeply regret such statements, they did undermine his ability, and that of his allies Bukharin and Rykov, to effectively oppose Stalin when the later violently brought the conciliatory policies of NEP to an end. (385) As Wynn explains, Tomsky’s excesses were not limited to the inner party struggles since he also played an important role in the baseless attacks against the so-called bourgeois specialists that reached their peak in the infamous 1928 Shakhty trial conducted against them. (385-86)

Like other leaders of the Communist (Bolshevik) Party, Tomsky feared, in the twenties, that the opposition tendencies within the party ran the risk of splitting the party and even possibly provoking another civil war. Undoubtedly, this contributed to Tomsky caving in and repudiating his politics, particularly at the Sixteenth Party Congress that took place in the summer of 1930. At that Congress, Tomsky distanced himself from the open oppositionists like Trotsky and Zinoviev and denied that he had ever conspired to set up his own faction within the party since any long-term opposition inside the organization would inevitably lead to a struggle against the party itself by its enemies. Nevertheless, the Yugoslav anti-Stalinist Ante Ciliga who was present at the congress, noted that Tomsky’s speech “contained a note of human dignity.” For his part, Leon Trotsky pointed out that “the ruling clique was not mistaken when in the notes of Tomsky’s repentance, it heard a discreet amount of hatred.” (315-318). In the end, recognizing the grim future facing the Soviet Union and himself, Tomsky committed suicide in August of 1936, just as Stalin’s famous “show trials” (1936-38) were beginning, leading to the execution of dozens of the “Old Bolsheviks.” The show trials formed part of the Great Purge of the same years which scholars estimate to have killed 700,000 people.

It is important to note the similar actions of Nikolai Bukharin, a more prominent “moderate” who was the leader of the “Right Opposition” to Stalin. For example, at a Central Committee plenum in January of 1933, Bukharin demanded that Party opposition factions “must be hacked off without the slightest mercy, without [our] being in the slightest troubled by any sentimental considerations concerning the past, personal friendships, relationships, respect for a person, and so forth.” (350) It would be tempting to establish a causal connection between Tomsky’s (and Bukharin’s) “moderation” and their surrender to the calls for “party unity.”  However, few Bolshevik leaders seemed to have been immune to that tendency. Even Leon Trotsky, a much earlier and forthright opponent of the party bureaucracy in general and of Stalin in particular did also fall victim to similar party pressures for “unity.” Thus, at the thirteenth Communist party congress in May 1924, Trotsky accepted the right of the party to discipline him, whether he was mistaken or not, and declared, “Comrades, none of us wants to be or can be right against the party. In the last analysis, the party is always right.” (236)

Cold war scholarship maintained that none of this was surprising considering the supposedly totalitarian nature of Bolshevism both before and after it took power. But, until the early twenties, the Bolshevik party was faction ridden and hardly monolithic and Lenin, far from being the all-powerful and unchallenged chieftain, was only “primus inter pares” within the Bolshevik leadership and was defeated in inner party conflicts on many occasions, a phenomenon that any careful reading of this volume will clearly show.

I would argue that among the main causes for the very tragic developments in Bolshevik politics was the change that took place from the on the one a hand growing Bolshevik party at the head of a rising mass movement in the late summer and early fall of 1917 that encouraged the party to give free democratic rein to the working class and popular movements, particularly in the factories and among the peasant rank and file of the Tsarist army. But, on the other hand, and in contrast to that democratic openness, the Bolshevik leadership became something substantially different during the Civil War (1918-1920.) When faced with its enormous objective difficulties, the Civil War played a central role in in the abandonment and fall of soviet democracy as I showed in ample detail in the first chapter of my book Before Stalinism. The Rise and Fall of Soviet Democracy (19-61). We must also consider the disastrous policies of War Communism with its vast confiscations of peasant produce that went beyond a mere response to the necessity of feeding the working class and urban population and became what many Communist Party leaders and members saw as an opportunity to implement maximalist Communist goals. One clear effect of War Communism was the opposition of a large part of the same peasantry that had previously supported the October revolution less than a year earlier. It is important to note that the Bolsheviks, like their Menshevik rivals, never had a significant organizational presence among the peasant masses that accounted for approximately 80 percent of the population. At the same time, the working-class industrial base of the country and of the Bolshevik party was sharply reduced by the Civil War destruction and carnage. All these Civil War developments powerfully contributed to the isolation of the party from the great majority of the people of what became the USSR in 1922, and thus to the creation of a state of siege mentality that fatally led to the mainstream Bolshevik conversion of anti-democratic political necessity into virtue. Finally, by 1923, just a few years after the end of the devastating Civil War, the European revolutionary cycle clearly came to an end with the defeat of the German Revolution in 1923, thereby exacerbating the state of siege mentality in party circles.

In that context, Lenin’s New Economic Policy (NEP), established in 1921, and the substantial rise in strikes and industrial conflict that occurred under these new conditions, resulted in a relative improvement in the working-class and peasant standard of living. Although the NEP opened an important degree of economic and cultural liberalization, it was accompanied by a hardening of the political dictatorship with an important number of repressive actions such as the permanent illegalization of parties such as the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries and even the suppression of permanent factions inside the ruling Communist party itself.

Moreover, Lenin’s implementation of the NEP shows that there is a qualitative difference between a revolutionary line insofar as it relates to the consciousness and politics of the working class and its allies, that it is in principle changeable through political education, agitation, and the transformative effects of revolutionary political action; but it is quite a different matter to argue that the same applies to objective circumstances such as the lack of economic development and material scarcity. By itself, revolutionary consciousness cannot create wealth and material well-being for most of the population except in the mind of hyper voluntarists such as Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong and Ernesto (Che) Guevara. Looking back, Guevara even disregarded the reality of the economic crisis in Russia in the early twenties with the astonishing claim that at the time “there was nothing economically impossible.” The only issue to be considered, Guevara added, is whether “something is compatible with the development of socialist consciousness.” (Samuel Farber, The Politics of Che Guevara. Theory and Practice, Haymarket Books, 2016, 91-92)

Thanks are due to Haymarket Books that has performed an important service in publishing another volume of the Historical Materialism Book Series. This volume is considerably enriched by the beautiful cover art and design by David Mabb and includes a substantial number of photographs of the period, many of them new to this reviewer.

Can Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Model” Supplant Capitalist Democracies and Why Should Western Socialists Care? – Part 1

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Chinese President Xi Jinping takes his oath after he is unanimously elected as President during a session of China’s National People’s Congress (NPC) at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Friday, March 10, 2023. AP with permission.

This is part 1 of a four-part series. Part 2 Part 3 Part 4

China will never modernize until Mr. Confucius is replaced by Mr. Science and Mr. Democracy — Chen Duxiu, 1915[1]

Why should a good society fear that people are going to run away?
If you’re so good, people will be trying to get in, not out. — Fang Lizhi, Chinese scientist, 1986[2]

We don’t want to be slaves!
We want freedom!
We want rights!
We want democracy!
We don’t want dictators, we want to vote!

— Chants by anti-Covid lockdown protestors, Beijing, November 2022[3]

THE “RISE OF CHINA AND DECLINE OF THE WEST” NARRATIVE

American democracy, once the model for the world, is now widely seen as all but broken. No matter how many people get shot each year (deaths from gunshots in the U.S. hit a record 48,830 in 2021 including nearly twice-daily mass shootings, 690 in 2021, another record), the majority of Americans would rather see this continue than ban guns.[4] Gun violence, racism, immigration, inequality, abortion, Trump’s attacks on democracy – on all these issues the public is split, often bitterly. A hundred sixty years after General Lee surrendered at Appomattox we’re still fighting the Civil War. The slaveocracy lost the war but has won the battle for the hearts and minds of the 30-40% of Americans who vote for racist white-supremacist Republicans.[5] Christian fascist anti-feminists (roughly a third of registered voters)[6] carry forward the medieval war against women to control their bodies. The nation whose Stature of Liberty in New York harbor once welcomed immigrants by the millions now builds walls to keep them out; even Biden builds the wall. The American government that led the allied democracies against fascism in World War II, today leads the world in gross hypocrisy backing self-determination for Ukrainians but not for Palestinians, berating Chinese Communist totalitarians but backing Islamic fascist Saudi Arabian princes and dictators around the world. President Biden fought to secure funding for renewable energy but then caved to the fossil fuel lobby and sabotaged his own initiative by approving new drilling and fracking for oil and gas. The deepest systemic divide, of course, and the one that exacerbates all the rest is capital against labor. Faced with such intractable divisions, Congress is paralyzed and can’t find consensus on any of the huge problems we face.  And not only America. Russians have repeatedly elected the wannabe Tsar Vlad the Impaler Putin. Italy recently elected the leader of a neo-fascist party. France could soon elect another. And so on. Not for nothing Noam Chomsky dubs these “Really Existing Capitalist Democracies”— RECD for short.

Compounding the sorry state of Western democracy is the parallel decline of America’s economy with all its consequences: deindustrialization, the collapse of union industrial jobs, the fading American Dream, spreading poverty and homelessness, epidemic drug abuse, rising suicides and falling lifespans. As American companies offshored their industries since 1980, China industrialized and now bids to overtake the United States. Example: since 2008 China has built an entire network of 42,000 kilometers of high-speed trains crisscrossing the country while in the U.S., local battles over property rights and budgets have prevented California from completing the nation’s first line from Los Angeles to San Francisco. Since 2008, China has also built entire subways systems under dozens of cities while New York has yet to complete its 8.5 mile-long 2nd Avenue subway, begun half a century ago in 1972.[7] China is also building the green technology of the future. It has built more solar power farms and windmills than the rest of the world combined. Chinese companies dominate the global market for solar panels, wind turbines, telecom base stations (Huawei), electric vehicles (BYD and others), and EV batteries (CATL), among many other products. Chinese auto exports now exceed those of Japan, dominate Southeast Asia, and “China’s electric vehicles threaten to leave Europe in the dust” according to the Financial Times.[8]

China’s rise illustrates the formidable power of the Communist party-state’s systemic advantage, namely, its ability to strategically organize and manage the state-owned economy while simultaneously coercing large private tech companies into aligning their profit-making goals with the nationalist goals of the party-state in a kind of “whole nation” technological mass mobilization that’s central to Xi’s vision of “Chinese-style modernization” (Zhongguo shi xiandaihua).[9] Favored private companies including electric vehicle and EV battery manufacturers whose businesses align with CP goals to dominate high technology industries, enjoy comprehensive holistic state planning and financial backing. Beijing helped those companies build deeply integrated vertical supply chains for electric car parts aiming to corner the global market in batteries and cars well before the rest of the world, while China’s coerced non-union labor keeps production costs well below Western rivals. Autoworkers in big cities like Shanghai earn about $30,000 a year in pay and benefits. By contrast, in Ford’s U.S. plants workers earn an average of $110,000 a year in pay and benefits (and the UAW just won a contract to increase this by 25%).[10] Beijing has also incentivized consumers to go electric, creating demand alongside supply. Without this kind of coordinated state-backing and “whole-economy” approach it’s difficult to see how U.S. and E.U. auto companies will be able to compete against Chinese cars once those begin flooding into the West.

America’s declining power and influence on the world stage reflects those weaknesses. Biden’s and the EU’s porous sanctions and drip-feed of bows and arrows to Ukraine are failing to deter Putin while his sanctions and denial of cutting-edge technology are failing to force Xi Jinping to lift repression at home or hold back the Chinese economy, or even lessen Western dependence upon China.[11] Indeed, U.S. pressure has only stoked CCP intransigence and determination. Putin and Xi think they’re winning — and they might be right. Xi thinks the United States is in irreversible decline and so he’s seizing the moment to claim global leadership for its own vision of China’s party-state led “superior civilization” as a new model for the world.

Given these trends, before I try to make a case that democracy – not our wretched RECD but a radical eco-socialist democracy – is still the only hope for people and planet, first I want to interrogate Xi’s claims for his alternative, what he calls “Chinese-style modernization” and “Chinese-style civilization.”

I. “Chinese-Style Modernization”— Model for the World?

In what China’s press hailed as a landmark speech on February 7th three days after the Chinese spy balloon was shot down over the South Carolina and in the aftermath of his Covid “double disasters” (the disaster of locking the country down for three years instead of importing vaccines that worked from the West, followed by his chaotic opening up with no preparation resulting in the deaths of an estimated 1-1.6 million Chinese),[12] China’s Communist Party general secretary Xi XJinping ramped up the Party’s ideological war against the West. Building on his triumphalist thesis that the “the East is rising and the West is declining” Xi issued a manifesto for the “Chinese model” that dismisses universal values as racist neo-imperialism and says Western elites are imposing their own version of freedom and democracy on people who want security and stability instead. He says Western democracies are headed for the dustbin of history while Communist China is destined to and deserves to become the leader of a New World Order and model for developing countries because China’s system is morally, economically, and politically superior to the Western capitalist democracies. China, he says, has created “an entirely new form of civilization” combining state-led industrialization with “common prosperity for all people” and “whole-people democracy”[13] while also transitioning to an “ecological civilization.” In his speech Mr. Xi advanced four central propositions about the nature of what he calls “Chinese-style modernization”[14]

  1. China’s experience has debunked the myth that modernization = Westernization. Chinese modernization is a socialist modernization led by the Chinese Communist Party, not a capitalist modernization . . . [It] has abandoned the multi-party system . . . and the old path of capital-centered Western modernization. . . Chinese modernization is . . . not a modernization of dependence on others . . . [It] is neither a simple application of the template envisioned by the classic Marxist writers, nor a reprint of the socialist practice of other countries, nor a copy of foreign modernization, but . . . always insists on independence, self-reliance and self-improvement [and] on putting the fate of our development and progress firmly in its own hands. . . Chinese modernization is comprehensive, systematic, coordinated, lasting, and superior (youyuexing). . . [made possible by] major innovations in the theory and practice of world modernization.
  2. [W]e have completed in decades the industrialization process that had taken developed Western countries hundreds of years. [We] have created a miracle of rapid economic development and long-term social stability . . . The success of Chinese modernization, which accounts for one-fifth of the world’s population . . . is an unprecedented feat in human history, breaking the monopoly of the Western model that has dominated the world since modern times, and shattering the Western myth that modernization can only be achieved by following the capitalist modernization model, which will definitely . . . reshape the pattern of world modernization. . .
  3. Chinese modernization is a modernization of common prosperity for all people, not [just] for a few. Western modernization is a modernization dominated by capital and profit, the impoverishment of the proletariat and the division between rich and poor have filled the whole society . . . In sharp contrast, . . . [w]e insist on making the realization of people’s aspiration for a better life the starting and ending points of modernization, focusing on maintaining and promoting social justice, on promoting common prosperity for all people, and on resolutely preventing polarization. . . [and] the problem of absolute poverty has been solved, . . . creating a miracle in the history of human poverty reduction.
  4. Chinese-style modernization is a modernization in which man and nature live in harmony, not a modernization dominated by anthropocentrism. Nature is the basic condition for human survival and development. Man and nature are a community of life. Endlessly asking for nature or even destroying it is bound to be retaliated by nature. [It] is not possible to build a modernized country by taking the old path of the United States and Europe, and that there are not enough Earths for Chinese people to consume. The old way, to consume resources, to pollute the environment, cannot be sustained! Respecting nature, conforming to nature, and protecting nature are the inherent requirements of building a socialist modern country . . . Therefore, [we] plan development from the perspective of harmonious coexistence between man and nature. . . [and] insist on sustainable development.

II. China’s impressive accomplishments

China’s people are justifiably proud of their hard-won economic development. At the outset of Deng Xiaoping’s Market Reform and Opening in 1978, China was a poor, stagnant, and isolated semi-agrarian “socialism-in-poverty” with a per capita income just two-thirds that of India ($156 vs. $206). In the four decades from 1978 to 2018, China’s annual GDP growth averaged 9.5 percent, a pace described by the World Bank as “the fastest sustained expansion by a major economy in history.” The drivers of that growth were mainly two: First, Deng’s decollectivization of agriculture gave China’s farmers the freedom to organize farm production on their own, and to produce over-plan and sideline crops (vegetables, fruit, fish, chickens and pigs, etc.) for market. He also permitted local governments to establish market-oriented “township and village enterprises” (TVEs), and, crucially, relaxed controls over mobility permitting farmers to give up farming altogether or let their children migrate to the towns and cities to find non-farm employment (though even today they’re still tethered to their place of birth for access to schools, health care, etc. See the discussion of hukou below). In the first decade of reform, the gross value of farm output more than doubled and TVE output grew 14-fold. In result, by the mid-1980s China could end its “shortage economy,” discontinue rationing of meat and other foods, clothes and other basic consumer goods, and China’s farmers achieved a modest prosperity, for a time. By 1991 rural industries accounted for a third of the country’s industrial output and earned 20 percent of foreign exchange.[15]

Second, Deng established an archipelago of coastal Special Economic Zones (SEZs) where foreign investors and companies imported modern technology, knowhow, and capital to combine with ultra-cheap Chinese labor in export-oriented joint ventures with Chinese State-owned Enterprises (SOEs). The government built the ports, roads, rails, telecom and other infrastructure and imposed rigorous police control of the growing ex-farm migrant labor force. The foreign-invested industrial zones began with manufacturing cheap toys, clothes, shoes, toasters, hand tools, textiles and so on, produced by remorseless exploitation of labor, including child labor, forced overtime, police state strikebreaking, and suppression of all efforts at unionization. By the 1990s and 2000s, as foreign investment poured into the SEZs, they moved up to producing machine tools, vehicles, high-end electronic goods, aircraft parts, etc. and China became the “workshop of the world.” SEZ industrial production became the main engine of China’s rise and supplied virtually all new technology. By 2011 the SEZs accounted for 22% of China’s GDP, 46% of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), 60% of exports, and generated tens of millions of jobs.[16]

Those engines of economic growth and exports enabled hundreds of millions of Chinese to lift themselves out of poverty, to extend life expectancy to 76 from 65 in 1980, to create an urban middle class roughly equal in size to the entire population of the United States, to renovate and modernize its cities and build much of the most impressive infrastructure seen anywhere in the world.[17] By the mid-2010s, China had become an industrial juggernaut producing 50% of the world’s major industrial goods. By 2022 China’s per capita income was nearly 6 times that of India’s ($12,720 vs. $2,389) and China had become a solid upper-middle income country, just shy of the World Bank’s definition of a high-income country.[18] Today China is the world’s second-largest economy, largest manufacturer, largest merchandise trader, and largest holder of foreign exchange reserves. In short, China’s industrialization and economic modernization must count as one of the most impressive feats in economic history. Oh, and Chinese parents don’t worry that their children will get shot at school.

III. CCP “feudal-fascist” political rule stunts the country’s modernization

Yet this article contends that notwithstanding those achievements, the Confucian-Stalinist Chinese Communist Party has severely stunted China’s modernization in order to maintain the power, privilege and surplus extraction system of the Stalinist bureaucratic collectivist (or what Chinese leftists have called a “feudal-fascist” or “social-fascist”) ruling class.[19] Modernization is not reducible to industrialization nor even to raising living standards though those are obviously essential.[20] Nor is it compatible with feudal-fascist police-state rule. In this essay I argue with Chen Duxiu, the co-founder and first secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party (till he was expelled from the Party in 1929 by Stalin) and Chinese physicist Fang Zhili (exiled by Deng Xiaoping in 1989 for supporting the democracy movement) that China will never become a truly modern, let alone a socialist society, let alone model for the world, without “science and democracy.”

“What modernization means to me,” Fang observed in 1986 “is complete openness, the removal of restrictions in every sphere.”[21] Those restrictions could not be removed, in Fang’s view, without securing human rights and democracy: “In China we talk about human rights as if they were something fearful, a terrible scourge. . . Over the last thirty years it seemed that every one of these good words – liberty, equality, fraternity, democracy, human rights – was labeled bourgeois by our propaganda. What on earth did that leave for us? If anything we should outdo bourgeois society and surpass its performance in human rights, not try to deny that human rights exist.”[22]

From the 15th century on, European Renaissance, Scientific Revolution and Enlightenment modernizing thinkers struggled to overcome the socio-political, economic and cultural restraints of the old feudal social order and Catholic religious obscurantism and intolerance. The motor of modernization was the struggle to win the “rights of man” and “rights of women”: personal freedom, free agency, freedom to think, to challenge authorities, to write and create. Without the achievement of political democracy to guarantee those freedoms and rights there could have been no scientific advancement, no capitalist Industrial Revolution, and no modernization.

China’s own brilliant if short-lived May 4th era enlightenment movement was similarly born in struggle against the shackles of the old quasi-feudal agrarian regime, the absolutist monarchy, and the totalitarian cultural restraints on individual freedom of feudal-patriarchal Confucianism.[23] In the Confucianism social order there was no conception of individual rights, only obligations: the obligation of the son, daughter, and wife to the father/husband, the obligation of younger sons to subordinate themselves to older brothers, the obligation of the family to the state, and the obligation of all to worship the emperor. Every Chinese was required perform ritual rites in the home and at temples to reaffirm their fidelity to these obligations, to venerate their ancestors, and to praise the emperor du jour.[24] In the early twentieth century, New Culture movement essayist and social critic Lu Xun scathingly attacked patriarchy, emperor worship and the whole stifling hierarchy of fixed roles and obligations and called for “complete Westernization.” Feminist Ding Ling wrote and fought for the emancipation of women. Philosopher Hu Shi promoted the scientific method, pragmatism, skepticism, liberalism and democracy. In 1918, Peking University dean Chen Duxiu, the leading enlightenment intellectual and future chief founder of the Communist Party, wrote in New Youth, the journal he founded in 1915, that “Mr. Science” and “Mr. Democracy” were the only two gentlemen who could “save China from the political, moral, academic, and intellectual darkness in which it finds itself.”[25] Even the 26-year old Mao Zedong, rebelling against his own Confucian father, caustically attacked the hypocrisy and constraints of the patriarchal family, passionately giving voice to the bitter lives and sorrows of students, women, and workers: “We are students. . . the professors lock us up like prisoners [and] forcibly impregnate our minds with a lot of stinking corpse-like dead writings full of classical allusions.” “We are women . . . also human beings, so why won’t they let us participate in social intercourse, in politics? . . .  All day long they talk about something called being ‘a worthy mother and a good wife.’ What is this but teaching us to prostitute ourselves indefinitely to the same man?” “’Temples to virtuous women’ are scattered all over the place, but where are the ‘pagodas to chaste men’?” And so on.[26]

Xi’s “new type civilization” is the opposite of all this. Instead of enlightenment, emancipation, freedom, critical thinking, science and democracy, Xi’s Chinese-style modernization shrouds political, moral, academic and intellectual life in suffocating darkness, thought control, universal repression and mental imprisonment behind his Great Firewall. Xi offers few specifics about what his new model civilization will look like.[27] But he’s crystal clear about what it won’t look like.

The “7 don’t speaks”

Shortly after he took office in November 2012 the Central Committee issued its infamous jeremiad Document 9 that warned against “seven political perils” that threatened CCP rule:[28] 

  1. Promoting Western Constitutional Democracy: an attempt to undermine the current leadership and the socialism with Chinese characteristics system of governance.
  2. Promoting “universal values” in an attempt to weaken the theoretical foundations of the Party’s leadership.
  3. Promoting civil society in an attempt to dismantle the ruling party’s social foundation.
  4. Promoting Neoliberalism, attempting to change China’s Basic Economic System.
  5. Promoting the West’s idea of journalism, challenging China’s principle that the media and publishing system should be subject to Party discipline.
  6. Promoting historical nihilism, trying to undermine the history of the CCP and of New China.
  7. Questioning Reform and Opening and the socialist nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The document foretold the Xi’s “new era” of permanent crackdown: mass arrests and imprisonment of human rights lawyers, suppression of independent media, banning of foreign textbooks, suppression of the teaching of English in schools and smartphone apps, firings and arrests of academics, arrests and indefinite imprisonment of Marxist and Maoist students, trade unionists, environmentalists, the “Feminist Five,” and independent thinkers that began in 2013 and continues to this day.

In February 2016 Xi ordered news media run by the Communist Party to strictly follow the Party’s leadership and focus on “positive reporting”:

All news media run by the Party must work to speak for the Party’s will and its positions and protect the Party’s authority and unity. They should enhance their awareness to align their ideology, political thinking and deeds to those of the CPC Central Committee and help fashion the Party’s theories and policies into conscious action by the general public while providing spiritual enrichment to the people.[29]

The next year he expressed his conception of pervasive control in sixteen characters: “Government, military, society, schools, north, south, east, west—the Party leads them all.” And again, “The Party must control all tasks.”[30]

With critical thinking outlawed, “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for the New Era” was inscribed in the Party’s constitution in 2017 and all party members were instructed to diligently study it. In 2018, the Party’s so-called “term limits” were abolished, freeing Xi to rule for life.

In July 2021, the Central Committee launched a campaign to spread Xi’s thought throughout  society to enhance the people’s “sense of political, ideological, theoretical and emotional identification” with Xi’s ideology.[31] In the fall, “Xi Jinping Thought “student readers” were prescribed for all primary and secondary schools and universities introduced courses in it.[32] Companies were ordered to “combine ideological and political work with daily production, operation, management and human resources development” so employees can “resolve ideological doubts, quell spiritual worries, quench cultural thirst and relieve psychological pressure,” according to the Ministry of Education.[33]

On March 3rd this year the government announced that henceforth in law schools, professors teaching foreign law will have to “submit their course syllabuses for approval” to certify that “Guided by Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era this course places a focus on every aspect of students’ moral education.”[34] Bloomberg reports that even bankers are now compelled to spend as much as a third of their workdays in study sessions pouring over the often-arcane phrasings of Xi Jinping, reading as many as four of his books a month.[35] The New York Times’ Li Yuan spoke with dozens of professionals who, fed up with the CCP, have emigrated, mostly to Europe and the US. One, formerly an engineer at a state-owned defense tech company said he found that “after the constitutional amendment [abolishing term limits for Xi Jinping], he and his colleagues spend more time participating in study sessions than working, forcing everyone to work overtime.” Another, who worked in artificial intelligence at Baidu and Alibaba, two of China’s big tech companies, said he decided to leave China after the government abolished term limits: “I will not go back until it becomes democratic and people can live without fear.”[36]

Xi dispenses “truth” from above like a medieval pope to be memorized and chanted as from a Catholic liturgy while venerating “our fine traditional culture stretching back to antiquity [and] the wisdom of Chinese civilization”[37] (viz. the same “Four Olds”: old feudal customs, culture, habits, and ideas that Mao trenchantly attacked). He has all but erased civil society, crushed independent thought, partyized private businesses and religions, eliminated non-party organizations, and blurred China’s history in a fog of national amnesia. So tight is the Party’s grip on the minds of ordinary Chinese these days that as Beijing-born and bred writer Mengyin Lin writes, many Chinese have virtually “lost their ability to think and speak anything at all beyond partyspeak,” citing her own mother whom she says “no longer possessed a private language.”[38] This is the Party that bids to lead the world?

In Part 2 of this essay, I deconstruct Mr. Xi’s bogus history of China’s rise and the alleged superiority of the “Chinese model.” In Part 3 I introduce the conceptions of democratic modernization advanced by China’s leading dissident intellectuals, Chen Duxiu, Fang Zhili and Wei Jingshen together with those of the eminent Indian philosopher Amartya Sen. In Part 4 I conclude with an argument for democratic ecosocialism as the only viable alternative to the Communist Party’s drive to socio-political and ecological collapse.

 Notres:

[1] Eric Fish, “1919 to 2019: A century of youth protest and ideological conflict around May 4,” SupChina, May 1, 2019, https://supchina.com/2019/05/01/a-century-of-youth-protest-and-ideological-conflict-around-may-4/.

[2] Fang Lizhi, Bringing Down the Great Wall (New York: Norten, 1990), 160.

[3] Nectar Gan and Selina Wang, “At the heart of China’s protests against zero-Covid, young people cry for freedom, CNN, November 28, 2022,   https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/28/china/china-protests-covid-political-freedom-intl-hnk-mic.

[4] Mass shootings are defined as shooting four or more persons. Gun Violence Archive 2023, https://www.gunviolencearchive.org; Jeffrey M. Jones, “Public believes American have right to own guns,” Gallup, March 27, 2008, https://news.gallup.com/poll/105721/public-believes-americans-right-own-guns.aspx.

[5] Heather Cox Richardson, How the South Won the Civil War (Oxford, OUP, 2020); John Gramlich, “What the 2020 electorate looks like by party, race and ethnicity, age, education and religion,” Pew Research Center, October 26, 2020,  https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/10/26/what-the-2020-electorate-looks-like-by-party-race-and-ethnicity-age-education-and-religion/.

[6] Chris Hedges, “Christian fascism is right here, right now: After Roe, can we finally see it?” Salon, June 28, 2022, https://www.salon.com/2022/06/28/christian-fascism-is-right-here-right-now-after-roe-can-we-finally-see-it/.

[7] David Dodwell, “UK high-speed rail fiasco: the West has much to learn from China in building infrastructure,” South China Morning Post, October 6, 2023, https://www.scmp.com/comment/opinion/article/3236963/uk-high-speed-rail-fiasco-west-has-much-learn-china-building-infrastructure?module=AI_Recommended_for_you_In-house&pgtype=homepage?registerSource=loginwall.

[8] Keith Bradsher, “China’s E.V.s race ahead,” New York Times, October 6, 2023; June Yoon, “China’s electric vehicles threaten to leave Europe in the dust,” Financial Times, October 3, 2023, https://www.ft.com/content/5f385b83-18d6-44da-891d-4c09c1360fff; Anjani Trivedi, “How China’s car batteries conquered the world,” Bloomberg, December 2, 2021,  https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2021-12-02/how-china-s-car-batteries-conquered-the-world?sref=4KuSK5Q1.

[9] Max J. Zenglein and Jacob Gunter, MERICS, October 2023, 9, “The party knows best. Aligning economic actors with China’s strategic goals,” October 12, 2023, https://www.merics.org/en/report/party-knows-best-aligning-economic-actors-chinas-strategic-goals; Matthew Johnson, “The CCP absorbs China’s private sector,” Hoover Institution, Stanford University, September 3, 2023,  https://www.hoover.org/sites/default/files/research/docs/Hvr_JohnsonEssay_CPP_web.pdf.

[10] Keith Bradsher, “China’s E.V. threat: a carmaker that loses $35,000 a car,” New York Times, October 5, 2023.

[11] Editors, “Huawei’s revenge,” Bloomberg Business Week, October 2, 2023. 14-17; Trip Mickle et al., “Big chip makers push back on Biden’s limits on sale of semiconductors to China,” New York Times, October 8, 2023; Rhyandnon Bartlett-Imadegawa et al., “EU struggles to limit China’s involvement in sensitive tech areas,” Nikkei Asia, October 11, 2023, https://reduced.to/iithw.

[12] James Glanz et al., “How deadly was China’s Covid wave?” New York Times, February 15, 2023.

[13] Xinhua, “China: democracy that works,” December 4, 2021, http://www.news.cn/english/2021-12/04/c_1310351231.htm.

[14] As of this writing, the full text of his February 7th talk has not been released. Here I quote verbatim excerpts from Xi’s talk entitled “Chinese-style modernization presents a new modernization model” as reported by Wu Zhicheng, Vice President and Professor, Institute of International Strategic Studies, Central Party School (National Academy of Administration), in China Diplomacy, February 14, 2023, http://cn.chinadiplomacy.org.cn/2023-02/14content_85105140.shtml (my translations), and from Xinlu Liang, “Xi Jinping hails China modernization miracle as path for developing countries.” South China Morning Post, February 8, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/vnv5skkb.

[15] Deng’s market reforms boosted farm output to an extent. But as the government has refused to privatize farmland, because its higher priorities are to limit migration to the cities and utilize land as it sees fit (to clear it for roads, rails, ports, factories, new cities, etc.), farm consolidation, investment, and mechanization have all been discouraged with the result that farming remains a low-productivity, low-profit sector. On this see my “Chinese road to capitalism,” New Left Review (May-June 1993), 63 and 86. For a concise overview of China’s post-1978 industrialization see Yi Wen, China’s rapid rise: from backward agrarian society to industrial powerhouse in just 35 years,” Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis, June 16, 2016,  https://www.stlouisfed.org/publications/regional-economist/april-2016/chinas-rapid-rise-from-backward-agrarian-society-to-industrial-powerhouse-in-just-35-years.

[16] Douglas Zhihua Zeng, “China’s Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters: Success and Challenges,” World Bank, April 27, 2011, https://blogs.worldbank.org/developmenttalk/china-s-special-economic-zones-and-industrial-clusters-success-and-challenges.

[17] Eg. “Why is China so good at building high-speed railways and the rest of the world not?” Youtube, November 21, 2018, ttps://tripbytrip.org/2018/11/21/video-why-is-china-so-good-at-building-high-speed-railways-and-the-rest-of-the-world-not/.

[18] World Bank, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.PCAP.CD?locations=CN; Iori Kawate, “China’s economy sputters just shy of high-income status,” Nikkei Asia, March 1, 2023, https://tinyurl.com/3jrsur9a.

[19] See Wei Jingsheng quoted below in Part 3, and Chen Erjin, China Crossroads Socialism (London: Verso, 1984), chapter 1. For an explanation of Mao’s synthesis of Confucianism and Stalinism, see my “On contradiction: Mao’s party-substitutionist revolution in theory and practice,” Part 3, New Politics, July 1, 2022  https://newpol.org/on-contradiction-maos-party-substitutionist-revolution-in-theory-and-practice-part-3/.

[20] Michael Karadjis, “Is China socialist because it reduced poverty? New Politics, Vol XIX No.1, Summer 2022,  https://newpol.org/issue_post/is-china-socialist-because-it-reduced-poverty/.

[21] Fang, op cit. 158.

 [22] Ibid, 166-67.

[23] Vera Schwarcz, The Chinese Enlightenment (Berkeley, UC Press, 1990).

[24] Patricia Buckley Ebray, Confucianism and Family Rituals in Imperial China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Yonghua Liu, Confucian Rituals and Chinese Villagers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2013).

 [25] Fish, op cit.

[26] Mao, “The great union of the popular masses (July 21, 1919), Mao’s Road to Power, Stuart R. Schram ed. (London: Routledge, 1992), Vol. 1, 382-83.

[27] Though there is this: Alexandra Stevenson, “China’s male leaders signal to women that their place is in the home,” New York Times, November 3, 2023.

[28] “Document 9: a China File translation,” ChinaFile, November 8, 2013, https://www.chinafile.com/document-9-chinafile-translation#start.

[29] Xinhua, “China’s Xi underscores CPC’s leadership in news reporting,” February 19, 2016: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/2016-02/19/c_135114305.htm.

[30] Nectar Gan, “Xi Jinping Thought—the Communist Party’s tighter grip on China in 16 characters,” South China Morning Post, October 25, 2017, www.scmp.com/ news/china/policies-politics/article/2116836/xi-jinping-thought-communist-partys-tighter-grip-china; Chris Buckley and Steven C. Meyers, “China’s leader says Party must control ‘all tasks’ and Asian markets slump,” New York Times, December18,2018,www.nytimes.com/2018/12/18/world/asia/xi-jinping-speech- china.html.

[31] Zhonggong zhongyang guowuyuan yinfa “guanyu xin shidai jiaqiang he gaijin sixiang zhengzhi gongzuo de yijia” [Central Committee of the Communist Party and State Council issued the “Opinions on Strengthening and Improving Ideological and Political Work in the New Era”], Xinhuanet.com, July 12, 2023, http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2021-07/12/c_1127647536.htm.

[32] See “2023: Xi thought on grad school entrance exams,” David Cowhig’s Translation Blog, November 11, 2023, https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2023/11/10/2023-xi-thought-on-grad-school-entrance-exams/.

[33] Nectar Gan, “Chinese people ordered to think like Xi as Communist Party aims to tighten control,” CNN, July 16, 2021, https://www.cnn.com/2021/07/16/china/ccp-ideological-political-work-mic-intl-hnk/index.html.

[34] “China tells foreign law professors to prove they’ll obey Xi,” Bloomberg, March 3, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-03-03/china-tells-foreign-law-professors-to-prove-they-ll-obey-xi?sref=4KuSK5Q1. (my italics). For a deeper discussion of this topic, see “2022: Party pragmatism, party totalitarianism, and rocks in the river,” David Cowhig’s Translation Blog, December 15, 2022, https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2022/12/15/2022-party-pragmatism-party-totalitarianism-and-rocks-in-the-river/.

[35] “Bankers forced to study Xi’s Thoughts as party tightens grip,” August 7, 2023, https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2023-08-08/bankers-forced-to-study-xi-s-thoughts-as-party-tightens-grip?sref=4KuSK5Q1.

[36] Li Yuan, “China is suffering a brain drain. The U.S. isn’t exploiting it.” New York Times, October 3, 2023.

[37] Xinhua, “Xi stresses building modern Chinese civilization,” speech to the State Council, June 2, 2023,  https://english.www.gov.cn/news/202306/02/content_WS6479f528c6d0868f4e8dc96b.html.

[38] Mengyin Lin, “An iron grip has stunted Chinese discourse,” New York Times, February 13, 2023.

 

The Cuban Government’s Persecution of a Left-wing Dissident

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Alina Bárbara López Hernández

In the closing address to the tenth congress of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR -the street level vigilance committees) that took place on September 28 of this year, the president of the Cuban Republic, Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, affirmed that the problems confronted by the country have been ‘analyzed, we are confronting them, making decisions without fear. With courage and also  with why not say it, Cuban “guapería” (street level swagger and toughness) because nobody will surrender here.’

But what is “guapería”? The “guapo,” in this Cuban sense of the word, is the big macho-man standing at the neighborhood’s street corner, overbearing, boastful, abuser and in extreme cases, he can also be a killer. In other words, the “guapo” trusts the reason of force against the force of reason. Nevertheless, he specializes in intimidating people, what means to say that he is willing to do everything that he considers necessary to achieve his objectives against others, except when he encounters opposition that will prevent him from doing so.

We can see this clearly in the intimidating actions of the State Security organs of the Cuban state in the city of Matanzas (a provincial capital 100 kilometers east of Havana) have been carrying out against the historian Alina Bárbara López Hernández. She is a notable figure among Cuban political intellectuals, as a persistent and tenacious critic of the Cuban regime from a left-wing democratic perspective. I have been very impressed by the articles she has written in the last several years: lucid, courageous, and extremely well-reasoned and documented.

The facts speak for themselves. In April of 2023, Alina (many of us call her by her first name) protested the detention of Jorge Fernández Era, humorist, and frequent collaborator at that time of La Joven Cuba, an electronic journal coordinated by Alina until February of this year. With a lot of political intelligence, Alina protested by showing a piece of paper in a Matanzas park with one word on it: Libertad. This provoked a kind of “Operation Guapería” by State Security agents with arbitrary interrogations and arrests which at the same time were becoming part of a case that the local prosecutor was preparing against her. Meanwhile, although she had not been tried and found guilty of any offense, Alina was included in the infamous list of the “regulados” (regulated people) who are not allowed to leave the country.  In her case, Alina had not other recourse but to cancel her previously announced participation in an academic event in the United States.

It is important to emphasize that Alina has very courageously resisted attending the constant interviews that she, and many other Cubans, are summoned to by State Security without there being any previous criminal or administrative accusation of any kind against those citizens. Obviously, these interviews are nothing less than instruments of intimidation by the “guapos” of State Security. The state prosecutors then formally accused Alina of “disobedience, ” and besides already having been placed in the list of “regulados” she was placed under a type of “house arrest” with very limited mobility (for example, she cannot go out of her house in the evening nor can she travel to other places and cities in the country). The prosecution then offered her a deal of paying a fine that Alina refused because she considers herself an innocent victim of abuse. For that reason, she will be subject to a summary oral trial, initially programmed for November 16 but now postponed to November 28. As a result of such a summary process, she could be condemned to up to one year of imprisonment.

What is to be done? In the first place, to publish and protest this scandalous situation to build maximum pressure over the “guapos” of State Security and their allies in the not at all independent judicial wing of the government. This, while bearing in mind, as I suggested earlier, that these organs of repression do respond to pressures when these are sufficiently strong. It is especially important that the independent human rights organizations such as Amnesty, PEN, and Human Rights Watch take note and protest Alina’s persecution. Any contact or access that readers of this article may have to unions, social movements, places of worship, and other institutions of civil society, must be utilized to incorporate them in the campaign to obtain the unconditional freedom of Alina Bárbara López Hernández.

This article was originally published in Spanish in the Cuban online publication CubaXCuba on November 20, 2023.

 

 

 

 

 

The Political and Legal Underpinnings of the Palestine-Israel Conflict

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This post expands and updates an article previously published by The India Forum.

On 7 October 2023, Palestinian militant group Hamas launched a massive attack on Israeli territory, killing 1405 people including over 300 soldiers according to the Israeli state, although a month later the death toll miraculously came down to 1200. The Israeli state has responded by bombing the Gaza Strip, in which Hamas has its headquarters and over 2.3 million civilians have their homes, starving inhabitants of food, water, medicines and fuel. But why did this happen? And what can be done about it? On these questions, there is no agreement whatsoever.

Who is to blame?

In its editorial of 8 October 2023, the Israeli paper Haaretz was unequivocal in assigning responsibility for the death and destruction resulting from the Hamas ‘Operation Al-Aqsa Flood’:

The disaster that befell Israel on the holiday of Simchat Torah is the clear responsibility of one person: Benjamin Netanyahu. The prime minister… completely failed to identify the dangers he was consciously leading Israel into when establishing a government of annexation and dispossession, when appointing Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir to key positions, while embracing a foreign policy that openly ignored the existence and rights of Palestinians…

In the past, Netanyahu marketed himself as a cautious leader who eschewed wars and multiple casualties on Israel’s side. After his victory in the last election, he replaced this caution with the policy of a “fully-right government,” with overt steps taken to annex the West Bank, to carry out ethnic cleansing in parts of the Oslo-defined Area C, including the Hebron Hills and the Jordan Valley.

This also included a massive expansion of settlements and bolstering of the Jewish presence on Temple Mount, near the Al-Aqsa Mosque, as well as boasts of an impending peace deal with the Saudis in which the Palestinians would get nothing, with open talk of a “second Nakba” in his governing coalition. As expected, signs of an outbreak of hostilities began in the West Bank, where Palestinians started feeling the heavier hand of the Israeli occupier.i

Eighty-six per cent of Jewish Israelis shared the opinion that Netanyahu and his government were to blame for the attacks, according to a Dialog Center poll.ii The criticisms of some might have been limited to the epic failure of Israeli intelligence and security agencies, but some would have in addition been revolted by the domination of the government by right-wing extremists openly pursuing a policy of ethnic cleansing in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Undoubtedly the fact that Netanyahu had for over ten years ‘turned Hamas from a terror organization with few resources into a semi-state body’ by allowing it to receive large-scale cash transfers and a broad array of goods including construction materials from Qatar contributed to Israeli fury with him. His goal was to divide the Palestinian Authority (PA) in the West Bank from Hamas in Gaza to prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, leading to the conclusion that ‘The 2023 pogrom is a result of Netanyahu’s policy. It is not “a failure of the concept” – rather, this is the concept: Netanyahu and Hamas are political partners, and both sides have fulfilled their side of the bargain.’iii

The front page of a special English edition of the Falastin newspaper featuring a four-page editorial addressed to Lord Balfour (25th March 1925) | Wikimedia

Gideon Levy, a well-known Israeli columnist who is on the Editorial Board of Haaretz, went further. He blamed

Israeli arrogance, the idea that we can do whatever we like, that we’ll never pay the price and be punished for it… We’ll arrest, kill, harass, dispossess and protect the settlers busy with their pogroms… We’ll fire at innocent people, take out people’s eyes and smash their faces, expel, confiscate, rob, grab people from their beds, carry out ethnic cleansing and of course continue with the unbelievable siege of the Gaza Strip, and everything will be all right…

On Saturday, they were already talking about wiping out entire neighbourhoods in Gaza, about occupying the Strip and punishing Gaza “as it has never been punished before”. But Israel hasn’t stopped punishing Gaza since 1948, not for a moment…

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu bears very great responsibility for what happened… but it didn’t start with him and it won’t end after he goes.iv

Levy is referring to the ‘Nakba’ (Catastrophe), the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by Zionist militias in 1948. Most of these Palestinians ended up in refugee camps in other parts of Palestine or in neighbouring countries. But how did this happen? We need to go back further to find that out.

Historical background

In the late 19th century, Palestine was a thriving part of the declining Ottoman Empire with aspirations for independence. At the same time, a European Jewish nationalist movement – Zionism – was searching for a land to colonise. In 1920, after the Ottomans were defeated, the League of Nations, established by the victorious powers of World War I, created a system of ‘mandates’ to replace them in the countries they had colonised. The British received Palestine.

Map of Mandatory Palestine in 1946 | Wikimedia

The agenda was supposedly to prepare Palestine for independence, but the British imperialists treated their mandate as a colony; indeed, they had already, through the 1917 Balfour Declaration, agreed to the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine by the Zionist Organisation. A lengthy and thorough historical and legal examination by the UN on the origins and evolution of the Palestine problem establishes that this plan was opposed by many Jews, including Sir Edwin Montagu, the only Jewish member of the British cabinet. Yet it was eventually pushed through by the British government and accepted by the League of Nations, contrary to its own principles. As international law expert Professor Cattan, cited in the UN legal examination, says,

The Palestine Mandate was invalid…

The first ground of invalidity of the Mandate is that by endorsing the Balfour Declaration and accepting the concept of the establishment of a Jewish national home in Palestine it violated the sovereignty of the people of Palestine and their natural rights of independence and self-determination. Palestine was the national home of the Palestinians from time immemorial. The establishment of a national home for an alien people in that country was a violation of the legitimate and fundamental rights of the inhabitants. The League of Nations did not possess the power, any more than the British Government did, to dispose of Palestine, or to grant to the Jews any political or territorial rights in that country. In so far as the Mandate purported to recognize any rights for alien Jews in Palestine, it was null and void…

Palestinians in the old city of Jerusalem on Balfour Day mourning in 1929 | Khalil Raad (Wikimedia)

The UN noted, ‘That the Jews deserved sympathy was unquestionable. Even before the Nazi terror, this sympathy existed for the Jewish people among the Palestinian Arabs. The absence of racial rancour before the Balfour Declaration received emphasis in virtually every official report.’ Historian Arnold Toynbee, also cited in the UN study, remarked, for the next 30 years, under the protection of ‘British military power,’ Jewish immigration and land acquisition enabled the Jewish population to grow from less than 10% of the population to nearly a third, and their land ownership from 0.025% to 6.2%, displacing large numbers of Palestinians and leading to conflict. It enabled the immigrants to arm themselves with tanks and planes. Thus, British imperialism played a key role in all the violence that has followed.v

Mahatma Gandhi, despite his profound sympathy for persecuted Jews – which even extended to abandoning his rigid adherence to non-violence to argue that a war against Hitler would be justifiable – was adamant that it would be crime against humanity to hand over Palestine to the Zionists.vi

The two-state ‘solution’

When Britain handed over Palestine to the UN in 1947, the UN Special Committee on Palestine recommended partitioning Palestine into a Jewish state on 56% of its territory and an Arab state on 43%, with an international enclave around Jerusalem and Bethlehem.

Map of the 1947 partition plan for Palestine | Wikimedia

The Arab states opposed the proposal on the grounds that it violated the UN Charter, and indeed if Britain had no right to gift Palestine to Zionist settler-colonialists, neither did the UN have the right to gift more than half of Palestine to them. Yet when the proposal was put before the UN General Assembly as Resolution 181 on 29 November 1947, it passed with 33 votes for, 13 against, and 10 abstentions. (India voted against.) Far from bringing an end to the violence, this resolution provided cover for Zionists to carry out the Nakba and violence that continues to this day, for which, therefore, the UN too bears responsibility.vii

Realising that the problem continued unabated, the UN appointed Count Folke Bernadotte, a Swedish diplomat who had arranged the release of around 31,000 prisoners from German concentration camps during World War II, to find solutions. His peace plan had three components: the right of return of Palestinian refugees, Jerusalem to be under international control, and permanent borders to prevent Israel from expanding. He submitted the proposal to the UN General Assembly on 16 September 1948, and the very next day was assassinated by Zionist terrorists of ‘Lehi’ aka the ‘Stern Gang’.viii His peace plan was never implemented and the assassins rose to prominent positions in Israel, but in December 1948, Resolution 194 of the UNGA incorporated the right of return of Palestinian refugees in accordance with already-established international law.ix

According to Ronnie Kasrils, who had been a Jewish anti-apartheid activist in South Africa, Afrikaner settlers established themselves in the 17th century ‘by force of arms and terror and the provocation of a series of bloody colonial wars of conquest;’ they forced the indigenous Africans off most of the land and into what came to be called Bantustans, but they still needed them as servants and workers. By contrast, settler colonialism in North America and Australia wanted to get rid of the indigenous people altogether, and this has been the aim of Zionism too, which is why when Kasrils visited the West Bank in 2004, he observed, ‘This is much worse than apartheid… The Israeli measures, the brutality, make apartheid look like a picnic.’x

Israeli historian Ilan Pappe explains that the main goal of Zionism was the ethnic cleansing of all of Palestine, which the movement coveted for its new state, and describes in detail the gruesome massacres by means of which almost 800,000 indigenous Palestinians – more than half the population – were driven from their homes. Their livelihoods, villages and urban neighbourhoods far beyond the area allotted by Resolution 181 were seized or destroyed, starting after the partition resolution in 1947 and peaking during the Nakba in 1948. Since then, ethnic cleansing – defined as a crime against humanity in the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) – has been carried out continuously by the Israeli state in Palestine.xi By 1949, Israel had annexed 78% of Palestine.

Palestinian refugees in 1948 | Wikimedia

Those who could not be expelled and became residents of Israel were subjected to an apartheid regime of discrimination, also a crime against humanity.xii In the 1967 war, the remaining parts of Palestine – the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza Strip – were occupied by Israel. Negotiations between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and Israeli government resulted in the Oslo Accords of 1993 and 1995, in which Palestinian self-government in 22% of Palestine was promised in exchange for Palestinian collaboration in ensuring Israeli security. However, annexation of Palestinian land never stopped, and the Palestinian Authority, set up to implement the accords, became an object of contempt for many Palestinians. The Gaza Strip, with over 70% of its inhabitants refugees from ethnic cleansing elsewhere, became an open-air prison with Israel controlling all its borders. Jewish settlements gradually took over the West Bank and East Jerusalem, converting the remaining Palestinian residential areas into ghettos and making a two-state solution impossible.xiii

The genocidal logic of settler colonialism

Moshé Machover, a founding member of the Israeli socialist group Matzpen, explains that the structural racism of the Israeli state is an inevitable consequence of its settler-colonial project. However, the government formed by Benjamin Netanyahu in December 2022 is more extreme than most previous governments, incorporating previously marginal fascists like Belazel Smotrich, Itamar Ben-Gvir and Miki Zohar in key cabinet posts. Machover quotes two Israeli experts on the history of fascism and Nazism: Professor Zeev Sternhell, who says that in statements made by two senior Israeli politicians, ‘we see not just a growing Israeli fascism but racism akin to Nazism in its early stages’; and Professor Daniel Blatman, who quoted Deputy Knesset Speaker Belazel Smotrich saying that Palestinians would become subjects without rights, and if they objected would be cleansed, and if they refused to leave would be exterminated, concluding that ‘I think it is Nazism in every way and fashion, even if comes from the school of the victims of historical Nazism.’xiv In fact, Netanyahu had already begun this process in 2018 when he passed the ‘Nation-State Law,’ which closely follows the Nazi Nuremberg Laws of 1935.xv Characterisation of this state as a fascist one has been widespread among Israeli left-wingers and left-liberals before and after the Hamas attacks.xvi

How do you force people to leave their homes and their land? By killing large numbers of them, inflicting injury and trauma on those who try to remain, demolishing their homes and depriving them of any source of livelihood: exactly the methods used by the Zionists in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. The final solution to eliminate those who don’t leave is to exterminate them. In the Genocide Convention (1948), as in the Rome Statute of the ICC (2002), ‘genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: (a) Killing members of the group; (b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part…’ According to legal experts, ‘Since 1947, there have been multiple “genocidal moments” where the Israeli settler-colonial regime has engaged in the mass killing of Palestinians, and their mass expulsion and annexation of their land causing severe physical or mental harm to the Palestinian community.’xvii Prior to 7 October, violence against Palestinians in the West Bank by Israeli security forces and armed settlers was already at a high level, and killings and expulsions escalated subsequently.xviii

What has changed since 7 October is that genocidal intent is now explicitly declared as state policy. Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant declared the intention to destroy Palestinians as such in no uncertain terms on October 9th: ‘We are imposing a complete siege on Gaza. No electricity, no food, no water, no fuel. Everything is closed. We are fighting human animals, and we will act accordingly’. Israeli President Isaac Herzog said ‘It is an entire nation out there that is responsible. It is not true this rhetoric about civilians not being aware, not involved.’ Netanyahu quoted the first Book of Samuel in the Hebrew Bible to soldiers, saying, ‘Now go, attack the Amalekites and totally destroy all that belongs to them. Do not spare them; put to death men and women, children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys.’xix When 2.3 million Palestinians in a sealed space, half of them children, are bombed relentlessly, including residential buildings, hospitals, ambulances, schools, mosques, churches, water reservoirs, bakeries, solar panels and UN facilities, this ‘textbook case of genocide’xx begins to look like the Nazi final solution.

A British ship bringing European Jews to the port of Haifa in 1945 | Zoltan Kluger (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 DEED)

These statements also reveal Israeli endorsement of the barbaric doctrine of collective punishment, which was used so pervasively by the Nazis. This is supplemented by the systematic use of ‘the big lie’; as Hitler explained, the very boldfaced nature of these fabrications renders them among the most powerful forms of public persuasion.xxi A good example of ‘the big lie’ is the claim that Hamas decapitated 40 babies in Kibbutz Kfar Azar during its incursion into Israel, which was repeated by news outlets like Fox News and the New York Post, politicians including President Biden, and actor Noah Schnapp and other social media users with large followings.

A fact check traced the rumour to two reports by Nicole Zedek of i24 News; in one, she said that soldiers had told her they saw babies with their heads cut off, and in another that soldiers told her they believed 40 babies/children were killed, and these two reports were conflated in subsequent social media posts. On October 11th, Netanyahu’s spokesperson told CNN that babies and toddlers had been decapitated, but the next morning CNN reported that the Israeli government could not confirm the claim. The White House too later told CNN that Biden had neither seen photos nor received confirmation that Hamas beheaded babies or children. During a tour through Kfar Azar, journalist Oren Ziv of +972 Magazine said he saw no evidence that Hamas beheaded babies, “and the army spokesperson or commanders also didn’t mention any such incidents,” he posted on X. Similarly Samuel Forey of Le Monde, while reporting from the ground in Kfar Azar, said ‘No one told me about beheadings, even less about beheaded children,’ and emergency services personnel he spoke with had not seen any decapitated bodies.xxii

What about Hamas?

The story of beheaded children was not only a big lie but also a clever one. By propagating the fiction that 40 babies had been decapitated in one kibbutz alone, Netanyahu’s government sought to justify the slaughter of thousands of children in Gaza. It also portrayed Hamas as akin to Al Qaeda and ISIS and thus a threat to Western countries. However, unlike Al Qaeda, IS and the Islamic Republic of Iran, which have transnational ambitions, Hamas is an Islamist national liberation group focused on Palestine. Like the Taliban in Afghanistan but perhaps less extreme, it seeks to establish an Islamic state. Yet there are Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Protestant Christians in Gaza, who have been worshipping at their own churches. The oldest was the Church of St Porphyrius, founded in the 5th century, which was sheltering its congregation and their Muslim neighbours, mostly women and children, when it was bombed by the Israeli state on October 19. Pope Francis prayed for the victims, but Biden saw no evil in Christians being massacred in the land of Jesus.xxiii

The complete failure of the Palestinian Authority even to stem the deteriorating conditions of Palestinians led to Hamas winning Palestinian legislative elections in 2006, and it took control of the Gaza Strip the following year. Opinion polls in March 2023 suggest that Palestinians support neither the PA led by Mahmoud Abbas nor Hamas, seeing both as corrupt (although support for PLO leader Marwan Barghouti, imprisoned by Israel, far outstrips both at 60%).xxiv Nonetheless, given Netanyahu’s support for Hamas, it is effectively the government in Gaza, i.e., not all Hamas members are fighters, many are civilian officials in charge of utilities and public services. It had previously launched rockets into Israel, but the scale of the attack on 7 October was unprecedented. What does international law say about this?

The UN affirms ‘the legitimacy of the struggle of peoples for independence, territorial integrity, national unity and liberation from colonial domination, apartheid and foreign occupation by all available means, including armed struggle,’xxv so Palestinians have the right to engage in armed struggle. However, even a national liberation war must abide by international law, which protects civilians, making Hamas’s attack on civilians a war crime. Is it terrorism? Yes, it is terrorism, defined as acts or threats of violence against unarmed civilians in pursuit of a political goal. These crimes and its right-wing Islamist ideology make it impossible for progressives to support Hamas.

However, according to this same definition, the Israeli state was established by acts of terrorism and has continuously been engaged in terrorism to this day. Moreover, it has violated international law on a vastly greater scale than Hamas, committing crimes against humanity and genocide, not just war crimes. In the words of Holocaust survivor Dr Gabor Maté, ‘The disproportion of power and responsibility and oppression is so markedly on one side that you take the worst thing you can say about Hamas, multiply it by a thousand times, and it still will not meet the Israeli repression and killing and dispossession of Palestinians.’xxvi

International reactions

The Israeli onslaught on Gaza sparked Palestine solidarity demonstrations throughout the world. Arab leaders who had done nothing to promote Palestine’s liberation for decades and had been normalising relations with Israel were jolted into putting this process on hold for fear of infuriating their people. The Chinese and Russian regimes, which have made clear their rejection of universal human rights and international law, nonetheless called for a ceasefire to allow for humanitarian aid. The UN, especially its Human Rights Council, spoke up for the human rights of Palestinians but was unable to protect even its own employees as over 100 of them were murdered by Israeli airstrikes.

Gaza’s Rimal neighbourhood after Israeli airstrikes on October 9 | Wafa Agency/Wikimedia

Western leaders with very few exceptions, headed by Joe Biden and including Ursula von der Leyen, Olaf Scholz, Rishi Sunak, Keir Starmer, Justin Trudeau and Emmanuel Macron, stated that ‘Israel has the right to defend itself’, and in some cases pledged military supplies. Volodymyr Zelensky agreed that ‘Israel’s right to self-defense is indisputable’. There were a few – like EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell – who criticised Israel for violating international law, but the rest gave a green light to the slaughter of Gaza’s civilians.

Two things make this position bizarre. First, while the vast majority of Israelis blame Netanyahu and his government for the attacks, these leaders endorsed Netanyahu’s extremist regime. Second, they all back Ukraine in its national liberation struggle against Russian colonialism, yet the positions of Ukraine and Palestine are almost identical. Putin denies the existence of Ukraine and is attempting to erase it from the face of the earth by ethnic cleansing and genocide just as Netanyahu denies the existence of Palestine and is attempting to erase it by ethnic cleansing and genocide. The timelines are different: the Zionist assault on Palestine started in 1920, whereas Putin’s assault on Ukraine started in 2014, although there were earlier bouts of genocide in Ukraine and Crimea, under Tsarism, Stalin and the Nazis. And the Ukraine struggle is led by a democratically elected government whereas there is no such government in Palestine. Yet the similarities are striking.

So anyone who argues that the Israeli regime colonising Palestine has the ‘right’ to defend itself from a national liberation struggle by killing Palestinians in Palestine would logically have to argue that the Russian regime colonising Ukraine has the ‘right’ to defend itself from the national liberation struggle there by killing Ukrainians in Ukraine. Biden’s reaction is particularly ghoulish. With the US already having provided billions of dollars that have been used to slaughter thousands of Palestinian children, he wants US taxpayers to provide $14 billion more to Israel. For what? To slaughter tens of thousands more children? This position led the Center for Constitutional Rights to issue an emergency legal briefing paper on 18 October warning that ‘The United States is not only failing to uphold its obligation to prevent the commission of genocide, but there is a plausible and credible case to be made that the United States’ actions to further the Israeli military operation, closure, and campaign against the Palestinian population in Gaza, rise to the level of complicity in the crime under international law.’xxvii

One explanation for the blatant double standard involved in supporting the colonial regime in Palestine and the liberation struggle in Ukraine is racism. Racism was entrenched in Western and Eastern imperialist powers, since domination, enslavement and extermination of other peoples had to be justified by deeming them inferior, and antisemitism was a widespread form of racism. One response to antisemitism from Jews in Eastern Europe in the late 19th century was an initiative to join the imperialist oppressors by creating their own settler-colony in Palestine: Zionism. As Edward Said shows, ‘Zionism essentially saw Palestine as the European imperialist did, as an empty territory “filled” with ignoble or perhaps even dispensable natives; it allied itself, as Chaim Weizmann quite clearly said after World War I, with the imperial powers in carrying out its plans for establishing a new Jewish state in Palestine.’xxviii Thus Zionist racism against Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims resonates with the imperial racism of the Western powers supplemented by rampant Islamophobia (the inaccurate but widely-used term for anti-Muslim racism) whipped up after 9/11 by the ‘war on terror’. Zelensky’s support for Israel is an anomaly, since Ukraine is a former colony, not an imperial power, and is explained by his Zionism.

The other driver of Western support for Israeli atrocities is guilt about the role their countries played in the Holocaust: Germany as the home of Nazism, collaborators in the countries it occupied, and Britain and the US for failing to save Jewish lives by opening their borders to refugees. This has given the Israeli state a powerful means of manipulating them by investing heavily in extremely sophisticated information warfare or ‘hasbara,’ described as ‘communication calculated to influence cognition and behavior by manipulating perceptions of a cause or position with one-sided arguments, prejudicial substance, and emotional appeals… Although hasbara includes efforts to impede access to information through a wide variety of techniques…, it focuses on limiting the receptivity of audiences to information’ contradicting its narrative.xxix Key features of hasbara are the demonisation of Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims and the message that anti-Zionism constitutes antisemitism. It has resulted in widespread acceptance of the open-ended International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) ‘Working Definition of Antisemitism’, which includes ‘claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor’ and ‘drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis’ as examples of antisemitism. The IHRA suggests that antisemitic acts as defined by them should be criminalised. xxx

In Palestine, hasbara entails the targeted assassination of journalists, which has been going on for decades, and includes the murder of at least 35 journalists since 10/7, some with their entire families, and the bombing of roughly 50 media headquarters in Gaza. In the West, it includes ‘dehumanizing rhetoric that has served to justify ethnic cleansing of Palestinians’, ‘Double-standards, inaccuracies and fallacies’ and ‘inflammatory language that reinforces Islamophobic and racist tropes.’xxxi

The conflation of antisemitism with anti-Zionism has resulted in racist attacks on Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims even as white neo-Nazi attacks on Jews are ignored. In Germany, this discourse has served to project guilt for the Holocaust onto these immigrants whose communities had no responsibility whatsoever for it, although, unfortunately, some Palestinians and their supporters have indeed been guilty of antisemitic views. Public policy in Germany shifted funding from fighting racism to supposedly fighting Muslim antisemitism, but police and intelligence statistics showed that in 2017, for example, there were 28 antisemitic physical attacks, around 95% of them by white Germans, almost 2000 attacks on refugees, around 900 on German Muslims, more than 100 attacks on refugee aid workers and 205 criminal acts (including shootings) against parliamentary politicians who supported refugees, asylum rights and anti-racism policies.xxxii

It is depressing that Germans who vowed ‘Never again’ after the Holocaust are now in danger of complicity in another genocide by sending arms to Israel while targeting immigrant communities in Germany with racist violence. The crackdown on freedom of expression in the name of fighting against antisemitism has reached such absurd lengths that a Jewish Israeli woman was detained for standing alone in a public square holding a sign denouncing the ongoing war waged by her own country. In an open letter, a group of Jewish writers, academics, journalists and cultural workers living in Germany wrote, ‘As Jews, we reject this pretext for racist violence and express full solidarity with our Arab, Muslim, and particularly our Palestinian neighbors… What frightens us is the prevailing atmosphere of racism and xenophobia in Germany, hand in hand with a constraining and paternalistic philo-Semitism. We reject in particular the conflation of anti-Semitism and any criticism of the state of Israel… If this is an attempt to atone for German history, its effect is to risk repeating it.’xxxiii

At the same time, more than 300 Ukrainian scholars, political and labour activists and artists published an open letter expressing their solidarity with ‘the people of Palestine who for 75 years have been subjected to and resisted Israeli military occupation, separation, settler colonial violence, ethnic cleansing, land dispossession and apartheid.’ While condemning the attack on Israeli civilians by Hamas, which they call ‘a reactionary Islamist organisation,’ they argue, ‘Yet this is no justification for the collective punishment of Palestinian people, identifying all residents of Gaza with Hamas and the indiscriminate use of the term “terrorism” applied to the whole Palestinian resistance. Nor is this a justification for continuation of the ongoing occupation.’ Comparing the Palestinian struggle for self-determination with their own struggle in Ukraine, they continue,

Civilians in Ukraine are shelled daily, in their homes, in hospitals, at bus stops, in queues for bread. As a result of the Russian occupation, thousands of people in Ukraine live without access to water, electricity or heating, and it is the most vulnerable groups that are mostly affected by the destruction of critical infrastructure. In the months of the siege and heavy bombardment of Mariupol, there was no humanitarian corridor.

Watching the Israeli targeting of civilian infrastructure in Gaza, the Israeli humanitarian blockade and occupation of land resonates especially painfully with us. From this place of pain of experience and solidarity, we call on our fellow Ukrainians globally and all the people to raise their voices in support of the Palestinian people and condemn the ongoing Israeli mass ethnic cleansing.

Rejecting their own government’s unconditional support for Israel, which is a retreat from Ukraine’s traditional support for the Palestinian right to self-determination, they urge implementation of the UNGA resolution calling for a ceasefire, an end to the blockade of Gaza and attacks on Palestinians in the West Bank, and recognition of the right of displaced Palestinians to return to their lands. They end by saying, ‘We have witnessed the world uniting in solidarity for the people of Ukraine and we call on everyone to do the same for the people of Palestine.’xxxiv

This moving expression of people-to-people solidarity is a fitting response to the sentiments expressed by civilians in Gaza as Russian missiles started targeting civilians in Ukraine in February 2022. Gaza residents Hadya al-Husary and Wael al-Ashy compared what was happening in Ukraine to their own experience under Israeli bombs and called on civilians ‘to demonstrate against the Russian aggression against Ukraine by launching online solidarity campaigns. “We may be different in race, religion, and language, but we are all humans,” Ashy said, adding that “We all express our solidarity with the Ukrainian people.” Husary added: “We hope that the Russian war would end soon, so civilians in Ukraine can return to their lives.”xxxv

What is to be done?

As the death toll in Gaza mounted and efforts to push through a ceasefire resolution in the UN Security Council failed, a resolution proposed on 26 October by Jordan in the UN General Assembly and backed by over 45 member states called for ‘an immediate, durable and sustained humanitarian truce’ between Israeli forces and Hamas militants in Gaza, and demanded ‘continuous, sufficient and unhindered’ provision of life-saving supplies and services for civilians trapped inside the enclave.xxxvi It received overwhelming support, with 120 states voting in favour, including Belgium, France, Ireland, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal and Spain. Other Western powers like Australia, Denmark, Germany, Italy and the UK were among the 45 which abstained, as was India.xxxvii Indian Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi said she was shocked and ashamed at India’s abstention, saying,

To refuse to take a stand and watch in silence as every law of humanity is pulverised, food, water, medical supplies, communication and power is cut off to millions of people and thousands of men, women and children in Palestine are being annihilated goes against everything our country has stood for throughout its life as a nation.xxxviii

Others have pointed out, however, that there is nothing surprising about this stance, since the virulent Islamophobia of the current Indian government resonates with that of the Israeli state:

In keeping with the environment of a disregard for the fundamental right to expression that now pervades the country, the government of India stand on the war has been turned into a prohibition on showing solidarity with Palestine… There is a complete conflation of domestic Islamophobia with Israel’s war against the people of Gaza.

It has been noted worldwide that the most virulent of Islamophobic posts since the war began have come from India. These are the same groups who express an admiration for Hitler, which makes Mein Kampf popular in India, a book now joined in bookshops by Gopal Godse’s Why I killed Gandhi. There is no irony here; it is all the same world-view.xxxix

A rump of 14 states, including Israel and the United States, voted against the resolution. After a month of carnage, cold-shouldering from Arab and Muslim leaders and persistent protests from their own people, Biden and Secretary of State Anthony Blinken started pleading with Netanyahu to have pauses in the killing: pleas that were ignored by Netanyahu. Thanks to the heroism of Gaza’s reporters, the barbarism of the fascist Israeli state as it tortures and kills millions of Palestinians, half of them children, is visible to all the world, and it should be clear to anyone with an iota of humanity that the immediate need is for a durable ceasefire, binding on both sides, an exchange of hostages (since that is what Israel’s Palestinian prisoners are), and a huge influx of humanitarian supplies to all parts of Gaza.

Western leaders and media have also issued weak calls for Israel to abide by international humanitarian law, applicable only in times of war. This covers up Israeli violations of international human rights law and international criminal law (the Genocide Convention and Rome Statute of the ICC), which are applicable in peacetime as well as wartime, prior to the Hamas attack. In fact, international criminal law allows for the prosecution of individuals, both perpetrators and those with command responsibility for violations; thus on 13 November, the Center for Constitutional Rights filed a lawsuit against Biden, Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin charging them with failure to prevent genocide and complicity in genocide.xl

Western politicians have tried to resurrect the so-called two-state solution, which had long been dead and buried by the Israeli state; today it can only be achieved by waging a bloody war to evict over 700,000 Israeli settlers, many of them armed, while the apartheid state of Israel supports them with all the weapons at its disposal. Even if it was not impractical, it would be unjust. The colonial Israeli state has no more right to rule Palestine than the British state had to rule India, the French state to rule Algeria, or the German state to rule Namibia, where an independence struggle by the Herero was met with genocide.xli

As Israeli soldier-turned-peace-activist Miko Peled argues, there will be no peace without justice, and justice entails an independent democratic state of Palestine with equal rights for all in the whole of historic Palestine. The main obstacle to peace is the apartheid state of Israel, and it can be defeated in the same way as apartheid South Africa: by sanctions.xlii Blake Alcott explains that one democratic state was the vision that inspired Palestinians from 1918 onward, and was supported by 99% of Palestinians in 1974, after which the leadership abandoned it. However, a significant section of Palestinians and some Israeli Jews continued to hold to it. Palestinian refugees and their descendants would have the right to citizenship, as would Israeli Jews currently in the territory.xliii The One Democratic State Campaign explains how it would work, and has a Manifesto that can be signed by international supporters.xliv

The BDS movement provides a path towards that goal. In 2005, 170 Palestinian unions, refugee networks, women’s organisations, professional associations, popular resistance committees and other Palestinian civil society organisations called for boycotts, divestment and sanctions against Israel until it complied with international law by meeting three demands: (1) Ending Israeli occupation and colonisation of the Palestinian Occupied Territories and dismantling the ‘apartheid’ wall that cuts deep into Palestinian land; (2) Recognising the fundamental rights of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel to full equality; (3) Respecting, protecting and promoting the rights of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes and properties as stipulated in UN Resolution 194.xlv All these demands are supported by international law; to say that Palestinians are not entitled to these universal rights is racist. BDS describes itself as ‘an inclusive, anti-racist human rights movement that is opposed on principle to all forms of discrimination, including anti-semitism and Islamophobia,’ and is completely non-violent.

As the genocide of Palestinians in Gaza proceeds, Arab and Muslim states proclaiming their support for Palestinians should be pressed by their people to boycott Israel completely as well as any companies doing business with Israel or investing in it. Campaigners elsewhere can do the same as individuals as well as press their own governments to do so. Eventually the Israeli state will suffer the same fate as apartheid South Africa.

What about antisemitism?

It is indeed important to condemn and combat antisemitism, one of the oldest forms of racism that is still rampant today, but combating it effectively requires an accurate definition of it.

On 25 March 2021, the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA) was presented by a group of over 200 eminent Jewish scholars of antisemitism studies and related fields, who felt that the IHRA definition weakened the fight against antisemitism by causing confusion and generating controversy. They defined antisemitism as ‘discrimination, prejudice, hostility or violence against Jews as Jews (or Jewish institutions as Jewish),’ and made it clear that ‘while antisemitism has certain distinctive features, the fight against it is inseparable from the overall fight against all forms of racial, ethnic, cultural, religious and gender discrimination’. They specifically excluded ‘Supporting the Palestinian demand for justice and the full grant of their political, national, civil and human rights… Criticizing or opposing Zionism as a form of nationalism… Evidence-based criticism of Israel as a state’ and comparing ‘Israel with other historical cases…’ and ‘Boycott, divestment and sanctions’ against Israel as instances of antisemitism.xlvi

Thus, for example, if we argue that Israel is an apartheid state, we should make it clear that our objection is not simply to a Jewish state but to any state linked to any religion, which will inevitably be an apartheid state because it will discriminate against people of other faiths and none. And if we compare the policies of Netanyahu’s 2022 government with those of the Nazis, we need to provide evidence, as Israeli Professors Zeev Sternhell and Daniel Blatman do.xlvii

Jews are human beings like everyone else, they range from the best of humanity to the worst. There are Jewish fascists like Netanyahu and his cabinet who deserve prosecution in the ICC for crimes against humanity and genocide. There are also Jewish scholars and human rights activists, including rabbis, who deserve gratitude and admiration for their steadfast pursuit of truth and justice in Palestine. Indeed, the pivotal role they have played in the current Palestine solidarity campaign makes nonsense of the identification of Jews with the state of Israel by both antisemites and Zionists.

Antisemitism is racism against Jews. Zionism is racism against Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims. Racism against any group erodes our humanity by blocking our compassion for oppressed human beings who differ from us in some way. If there is any glimmer of light in the darkness of this time, it comes from the multitudes of people around the world demanding a ceasefire and adequate humanitarian aid to Gaza, including 66 per cent of the people of the United States and 80 per cent of Democratic Party supporters. Despite the racism of their leaders, their humanity is not dead.

ii The Jerusalem Post, ‘Israelis blame gov’t for Hamas massacre, say Netanyahu must resign – poll,’ 13 October 2023. https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-767880

iv Gideon Levy, ‘Israel can’t imprison two million Gazans without paying a cruel price,’ Haaretz, 9 October 2023. https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/2023-10-09/ty-article-opinion/.premium/israel-cant-imprison-2-million-gazans-without-paying-a-cruel-price/0000018b-1476-d465-abbb-14f6262a0000

v United Nations, ‘The Question of Palestine: Origins and Evolution of the Palestine Problem 1917–1947, Part 1.’ https://www.un.org/unispal/history2/origins-and-evolution-of-the-palestine-problem/part-i-1917-1947/

vi Arjun Sengupta, ‘Why Mahatma Gandhi opposed a Jewish nation-state in Palestine,’ Indian Express, 12 October 2023. https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-history/gandhi-opposed-jewish-nation-state-palestine-8975964/

vii Interactive Encyclopedia of the Palestinian Question, ‘UN Partition Plan, 1947: Paving the Way to the Impending Nakba.’ https://www.palquest.org/en/highlight/159/un-partition-plan-1947

viii Muhammad Hussein, ‘Remembering the Zionists’ assassination of UN Palestine mediator Count Folke Bernadotte,’ Middle East Monitor, 17 September 2023. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230917-remembering-the-assassination-of-count-bernadotte/

ix Gail G. Boling, ‘Palestinian refugees and the right of return: An international law analysis,’ BADIL – Information and Discussion Brief Issue No. 8, January 2001. https://www.badil.org/phocadownload/Badil_docs/Working_Papers/Brief-No-08.htm

x Chris McGreal, ‘Brothers in arms – Israel’s secret pact with Pretoria,’ The Guardian, 7 February 2006. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2006/feb/07/southafrica.israel

xi Ilan Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Oneworld Publications Limited, 2006. https://oneworld-publications.com/work/the-ethnic-cleansing-of-palestine/

xii Amnesty International, ‘Israel’s Apartheid Against Palestinians: Cruel System of Domination and Crime Against Humanity,’ February 2022. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2022/02/israels-system-of-apartheid/

xiii Adam Entous, ‘The maps of Israeli settlements that shocked Barack Obama,’ The New Yorker, 9 July 2018. https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-map-of-israeli-settlements-that-shocked-barack-obama

xiv Moshé Machover, ‘Why Israel is a racist state,’ Matzpen, October 2018. https://www.matzpen.org/english/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/IsraelRacism-machover-2018.pdf

xv Susan Abulhawa, ‘Israel’s “nation-state law” parallels the Nazi Nuremberg laws,’ Al Jazeera, 26 July 2018. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2018/7/26/israels-nation-state-law-parallels-the-nazi-nuremberg-laws

xvi Alberto Toscano, ‘The war on Gaza and Israel’s fascism debate,’ Verso blog, 19 October 2023. https://www.versobooks.com/en-gb/blogs/news/the-war-on-gaza-and-israel-s-fascism-debate

xvii Center for Constitutional Rights, ‘Emergency Legal Briefing: Israel’s unfolding crime of genocide of the Palestinian people and US failure to prevent and complicity in genocide,’ 18 October 2023. https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/10/Israels-Unfolding-Crime_ww.pdf

xviii Medecins sans Frontieres, Israeli forces and settlers ramp up violence against Palestinians in West Bank, 9 November 2023. https://www.msf.org/israeli-forces-and-settlers-ramp-violence-against-palestinians-west-bank

xix Noah Lannard, ‘The dangerous history behind Netanyahu’s Amalek rhetoric,’ Mother Jones, November 3, 2023. https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2023/11/benjamin-netanyahu-amalek-israel-palestine-gaza-saul-samuel-old-testament/

xx Raz Segal, ‘A Textbook Case of Genocide,’ Jewish Currents, 13 October 2023. https://jewishcurrents.org/a-textbook-case-of-genocide

xxi Cameron Van der Graaf, ‘The “Big Lie” exposed: A rhetorical analysis of Nazi-German in 22 lessons,’ https://www.hoover.org/news/big-lie-exposed-rhetorical-analysis-nazi-german-22-lessons

xxii Sara Swann, ‘How media outlets and politicians amplified uncorroborated reports of beheaded babies in Israel,’ Poynter, October 24, 2023. https://www.poynter.org/fact-checking/2023/hamas-behaded-babies-israel-unconfirmed-reports-spread/

xxiii Lorraine Mallinder, ‘Under Israeli attack: Who are the Christians of Gaza?’ Al Jazeera, 1 November 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/11/1/under-israeli-attack-who-are-the-christians-of-gaza

xxiv Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, Public Opinion Poll No. (87) https://pcpsr.org/en/node/938

xxv United Nations, ‘The Question of Palestine. Right of Peoples to self-determination/Struggle by all available means,’ GA Resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-184801/

xxviDr Gabor Maté speaks out on Israel and Palestine.’ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uXrFzqu4QHk

xxvii Center for Constitutional Rights, ‘Emergency Legal Briefing: Israel’s unfolding crime of genocide of the Palestinian people and US failure to prevent and complicity in genocide,’ 18 October 2023. https://ccrjustice.org/sites/default/files/attach/2023/10/Israels-Unfolding-Crime_ww.pdf

xxviii Edward Said, 1979. ‘Zionism from the standpoint of its victims’ (excerpts). https://www.jewishvoiceforpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Edward-Said-Excerpt.pdf

xxix Chas W Freeman, n.d., ‘Hasbara and the control of narrative as an element of strategy,’ Middle East Policy Council. https://mepc.org/speeches/hasbara-and-control-narrative-element-strategy

xxx International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (2016) ‘Working Definition of Antisemitism’. https://www.holocaustremembrance.com/resources/working-definitions-charters/working-definition-antisemitism

xxxi ‘A Statement by Journalists: We condemn Israel’s killing of journalists in Gaza and urge integrity in Western media coverage of Israel’s atrocities against Palestinians.’ November 9, 2023. https://www.protect-journalists.com/

xxxii Anna-Esther Younes, ‘Fighting Anti-Semitism in Contemporary Germany,’ Islamophobia Studies Journal, 5 (2), Fall 2020, pp.249–266.

xxxiii n+1 Magazine, ‘Freedom for the One Who Thinks Differently: An open letter from a group of Jewish artists, writers and scholars in Germany,’ 8 November 2023. https://www.nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/freedom-for-the-one-who-thinks-differently/

xxxiv Ukraine-Palestine Solidarity Group, ‘Ukrainian letter of solidarity with the Palestinian people,’ 8 November 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/11/8/ukrainian-letter-of-solidarity-with-the-palestinian

xxxv Sally Ibrahim, ‘Palestinians in Gaza Strip express solidarity with Ukrainians amid Russian invasion,’ The New Arab, 27 February 2022. https://www.newarab.com/news/gazans-solidarity-ukrainians-amid-russian-attack

xxxvi United Nations, ‘UN General Assembly adopts Gaza resolution calling for immediate and sustained “humanitarian truce”’, 26 October 2023. https://news.un.org/en/story/2023/10/1142847

xxxvii Al Jazeera, ‘UNGA calls for humanitarian truce in Israel-Gaza war: How countries voted,’ 27 October 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/10/27/unga-calls-for-humanitarian-truce-in-israel-hamas-war-how-countries-voted

xxxviii India Today, ‘“Ashamed that…”: Priyanka Gandhi on India abstaining from UN vote on Gaza truce,’ October 28, 2023. https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/israel-hamas-war-priyanka-gandhi-india-abstaining-from-unga-vote-ashamed-2454788-2023-10-28

xxxix C. Rammanohar Reddy, ‘With India’s callousness towards Palestine, a little bit of the country’s soul has been washed away,’ Scroll.in, 12 November 2023. https://scroll.in/article/1058901/why-israels-war-on-gaza-has-incited-an-outpouring-of-virulent-islamophobia-in-india

xl Prem Thakker, ‘Palestinians sue Biden for failing to prevent genocide in Gaza,’ The Intercept, November 13, 2023. https://theintercept.com/2023/11/13/gaza-lawsuit-biden-israel-genocide/

xli Reinhart Kössler, 2008. ‘Entangled history and politics: Negotiating the past between Namibia and Germany,’ Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 26(3), 313–339.

xlii Miko Peled interviewed by Steve Clemens in ‘The Bottom Line,’ Al Jazeera, 3 November 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/program/the-bottom-line/2023/11/3/should-palestinians-israelis-live-equally-in-one-state

xliii  Blake Alcott, ‘One Democratic State: What’s happening?’ Palestine Chronicle, April 5, 2018. https://www.palestinechronicle.com/ods-whats-happening/

xliv One Democratic State Campaign Manifesto. https://onestatecampaign.org/all/en-manifesto/

xlv BDS, ‘What is BDS?’ https://bdsmovement.net/what-is-bds

xlvi Jerusalemdeclaration.org (2021) ‘The Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism’. https://jerusalemdeclaration.org/

xlvii Moshé Machover, ‘Why Israel is a racist state,’ Matzpen, October 2018. https://www.matzpen.org/english/wp-content/uploads/2018/10/IsraelRacism-machover-2018.pdf

 

A Divided MAS Roils Bolivia

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It is undeniabe that Luis Arce, the President of Bolivia, is no longer responding to the demands of his ex-boss, former President Evo Morales. Confrontations between the two men appear to be turning into what in Bolivia we call a ch’ampa war. 

In Bolivian history, most of what are called ch’ampa wars are disputes that escalate into confrontations between powerful men, but that involve different segments of the civilian population, usually in a violent manner.

This most recent conflict does not seem to be the exception.

The struggle for control of the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) and the presidential candidacy in 2025 is taking place in a country ravaged by fires, droughts, and as economic crisis looms large.

Since Arce was elected president in 2020, conflicts within MAS assemblies have been escalating. Two years ago, these conflicts escalated into fights with chairs and a stabbing. 

As the finger-pointing grew, each side accused the other of covering up for drug traffickers. Arce’s supporters even blamed Morales for creating the conditions that led to his resignation in 2019 so that he could go on to play the victim and install the “coup d’état” narrative. 

For his part, Morales accused Arce’s son of corruption, alleging he is benefiting from negotiations connected to lithium. The pro-Evista bench, with the support of the rightwing opposition in congress, censured Eduardo del Castillo, the most influential minister in the Arce administration. Arce went on to reinstate del Castillo, overriding the decision of the legislature.

Morales enjoys strong support from the six coca growers’ federations in the Chapare, but appears to be losing the support of social organizations in different regions of the country. To counteract this tendency, and in an effort maintain his control over the party, Morales supporters within the MAS organized a meeting in the Chapare region of Cochabamba without the participation of the Arcista wing. 

Those present at the Chapare congress, which was managed and overseen by the coca growers’ federations, named Morales the 2025 presidential candidate. Then, Luis Arce, his vice president David Choquehuanca and those from the “renewal” wing—as those who support the current president call themselves—were expelled from the party.

In response, Arce’s faction organized a massive rally in the city of El Alto as a way to demonstrate their political muscle. This event had the support of the most important rural organizations in the country, including the Union Confederation of Bolivian Peasant Workers, the Bartolina Sisa Peasant Women’s organization, and the Bolivian Workers’ Central. 

For several years now, the leadership of these organizations have been responding primarily to clientelist logics stemming from their relationships with the government. 

In order to stop this demonstration, pro-Morales sectors in the Chapare attacked the buses in which Arce’s supporters were traveling to the city of El Alto. More than 20 were wounded in the confrontation. This dispute is in full swing, and both sides are using every possible situation to swipe at their opponent.

Evo Morales remains the “owner” of the Movement Towards Socialism, and has the support of sectors such as the coca growers, who have a great deal of capacity to mobilize as well as economic resources. But Arce has control of the state apparatus, which is hardly a trivial amount of power. 

This week, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal annulled the congress in the Chapare organized by Morales. The climate of tension is continuing to rise.

A few years ago, Bolivians watched as Morales’ face was systematically replaced by Arce’s on billboards and government propaganda. Today we can see that the violence stemming from this ch’ampa guerra has only just begun.

Succession gone wrong

After the political crisis that resulted in the fall of Morales in 2019, the MAS had to choose a new candidate for the October 2020 elections. Morales was not an option, not only because of a constitutional restriction, but also because he was in exile.

Despite the fact that an important faction of the MAS rank and file threw their support behind former foreign minister Choquehuanca, Morales and his inner circle—who legally control the party—opted to choose their favorite, and designated Arce as the official MAS candidate. Arce was the only minister who served Morales’ government (2006-2019) faithfully and without complaint. He seemed to be the most desirable option in order for Morales’ faction to maintain absolute control over the party. 

Choquehuanca, on the other hand, had shown signs of insubordination as chancellor (2006-2017), during which time he gave voice to discontent within the party and demonstrated personal ambitions that concerned the MAS leadership. In 2017 he was banished to Caracas, where he served as Secretary General of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA). Despite this, and due to his own political weight, in 2020 Choquehuanca was named Arce’s second in command. 

In the context of the “transitional” administration of Jeanine Añez, which was explicitly repressive and right-wing, Arce ended up winning the October 18, 2020 elections with 55.1 percent of the votes. 

While it was initially expected Arce would also oversee a transitional government that would open the door for Morales to return to the presidency, the plans of the old guard of the MAS did not pan out as expected. Instead, it became clear that Arce wanted—and wants—to run for president again in 2025.

The distance between Arce and Morales is not about political differences, and does little to alter the continuity of MAS governance. Rather, the conflict is about the desires of two men, their egos, the control of the party, and the question of the next presidential candidate. It is a dispute between strongmen, not a debate about the political project.

The future of the MAS

The Movement Towards Socialism emerged as a political force in the context of social struggles against neoliberalism that took place in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. These struggles had their roots in neighbourhood councils, peasant and Indigenous communities and in different communal and autonomous ways of organizing life. The MAS was able to take advantage of the strength of the uprising and capitalize in one specific field of struggle: electoral politics.

From the outset, the MAS was built on a broad popular base of articulated social organizations with the capacity to influence the party’s agenda and the nomination of candidates, especially for local and regional positions. The party structure, however, was always vertical. It centered on the leadership of Morales and was controlled in large part by organized coca growers.

When the MAS took power in January of 2006, it was under intense pressure from social organizations, which had their own demands for transformation of the state. Measures such as the call for a Constituent Assembly or the adoption of the Agrarian Reform Law were implemented because of popular pressure, as in some cases MAS was reluctant and worked to limit the scope of these measures.

Since 2010, the MAS party structure has become comfortably ensconced in power. 

Beyond its revolutionary leftist discourse, MAS politicians forged alliances with the new and old ruling classes of the country and with transnational capital, giving continuity to an economic model based on extractivism. It employed a variety of mechanisms to subordinate and co-opt the leaders of the main social organizations in the country. At the same time, as high ranking party members became increasingly concerned with staying in power, the authoritarian drift of the party became more pronounced.

The disregard of the 2016 referendum, in which Bolivians voted against the indefinite reelection of Morales, created an impasse and gave rise to a highly polarized political scenario. On the one hand, the right wing organized around a utilitarian discourse of “democracy” and gained some popular support. On the other, the MAS showed it was willing to do anything to stay in power. 

The political crisis and the wave of violence that broke out after the failed presidential elections in October 2019 was the outcome of this process of political deterioration.

A struggle for power

Given everything else going on in Bolivia, the dispute between MAS strongmen should, in reality, be of little relevance to the public. This is not only because Arce and Morales both represent the continuity of a political and economic regime based on extractivism, but also because there are other, much more urgent problems in the country.

Their confrontation has acquired an unusual relevance because both appear willing to achieve their goals by any means necessary. The Arcista wing, which controls state institutions, has been deploying a variety of strategies to obtain the support of social organizations that have the capacity for large scale mobilization, and which were previously loyal to Morales. 

One example of this is the support given to Arce by the members of mining cooperatives, especially those active in gold mining. In exchange, the Bolivian government has been granting gold mining rights in national protected areas. Not only does this generate serious environmental consequences, but gold mining is virtually tax exempt, so it does not even benefit the country economically.

Another example has to do with the “burning laws”, which form the legal basis for major fires that have filled the country with fires and smoke. These regulations were promoted by the Morales government, and Arce’s government has continued to extend them as a bargaining chip with agribusiness and with some factions of the so-called interculturals. The interculturals are groups of colonizing peasants—both coca growers and small farmers from other regions of the country—whose economic activities are related to the expansion of the agricultural frontier, in many cases in Indigenous territories and protected areas.

All of this has turned Bolivia into the country with the highest per capita loss of primary forest in the world.

As if that wasn’t enough, in his quest to gain legitimacy, Arce’s government continues to maintain a fictitious “economic stability” based on spending Bolivia’s international reserves, which are close to running out. It is also irresponsibly increasing public debt, which has now reached 80 percent of the value of the national gross domestic product. 

In March the country had already shown the first signs of this crisis, which the government has so far managed to contain by selling a large part of the gold in the international reserves. This situation is becoming increasingly unsustainable, and its eventual denouement will impact popular sectors of Bolivian society.

It is important to bear in mind that the dispute within the MAS does not respond to the needs or demands of the population. It is not anchored in class contradictions, nor does it have to do with expanding social justice. This confrontation is one more turn of the screw in the polarizing dynamic that has been setting the tone of official Bolivian politics for some years now. It’s yet another ch’ampa war.

The key challenge today has nothing to do with figuring out which of these two men will emerge victorious from their brawl. Rather, it is to minimize the impacts that this conflict —and the decomposition of the MAS— will have on the rest of the Bolivian population.

This article originally appeared in Ojalá.

Ukrainian Letter of Solidarity with the Palestinian People

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We, Ukrainian researchers, artists, political and labour activists, members of civil society stand in solidarity with the people of Palestine who for 75 years have been subjected and resisted Israeli military occupation, separation, settler colonial violence, ethnic cleansing, land dispossession and apartheid. We write this letter as people to people. The dominant discourse on the governmental level and even among solidarity groups that support the struggles of Ukrainians and Palestinians often creates separation. With this letter we reject these divisions, and affirm our solidarity with everyone who is oppressed and struggling for freedom.
As activists committed to freedom, human rights, democracy and social justice, and while fully acknowledging power differentials, we firmly condemn attacks on civilian populations – be they Israelis attacked by Hamas or Palestinians attacked by the Israeli occupation forces and armed settler gangs. Deliberate targeting of civilians is a war crime. Yet this is no justification for the collective punishment of Palestinian people, identifying all residents of Gaza with Hamas and the indiscriminate use of the term “terrorism” applied to the whole Palestinian resistance. Nor is this a justification of continuation of the ongoing occupation. Echoing multiple UN resolutions, we know that there will be no lasting peace without justice for the Palestinian people.
On October 7 we witnessed Hamas’ violence against the civilians in Israel, an event that is now singled out by many to demonize and dehumanize Palestinian resistance altogether. Hamas, a reactionary islamist organization, needs to be seen in a wider historical context and decades of Israel encroaching on Palestinian land, long before this organization came to exist in the late 1980s. During the Nakba (“catastrophe”) of 1948, more than 700,000 Palestinians were brutally displaced from their homes, with entire villages massacred and destroyed. Since its creation Israel has never stopped pursuing its colonial expansion. The Palestinians were forced to exile, fragmented and administered under different regimes. Some of them are Israeli citizens affected by structural discrimination and racism. Those living in the occupied West Bank are subjected to apartheid under decades of Israel’s military control. The people of the Gaza Strip have suffered from the blockade imposed by Israel since 2006, which restricted movement of people and goods, resulting in growing poverty and deprivation.
Since the 7th of October and at the time of writing the death toll in the Gaza Strip is more than 8,500 people. Women and children have made up more than 62 percent of the fatalities, while more than 21,048 people have been injured. In recent days, Israel has bombed schools, residential areas, Greek Orthodox Church and several hospitals. Israel has also cut all water, electricity, and fuel supply in the Gaza Strip. There is a severe shortage of food and medicine, causing a total collapse of a healthcare system.
Most of the Western and Israeli media justifies these deaths as mere collateral damage to fighting Hamas but is silent when it comes to Palestinian civilians targeted and killed in the Occupied West Bank. Since the beginning of 2023 alone, and before October 7, the death toll on the Palestinian side had already reached 227. Since the 7 of October, 121 Palestinian civilians have been killed in the occupied West Bank. More than 10,000 Palestinian political prisoners are currently detained in Israeli prisons. Lasting peace and justice are only possible with the end of the ongoing occupation. Palestinians have the right to self-determination and resistance against Israeli’s occupation, just like Ukrainians have the right to resist Russian invasion.
Our solidarity comes from a place of anger at the injustice, and a place of deep pain of knowing the devastating impacts of occupation, shelling of civil infrastructure, and humanitarian blockade from experiences in our homeland. Parts of Ukraine have been occupied since 2014, and the international community failed to stop Russian aggression then, ignoring the imperial and colonial nature of the armed violence, which consequently escalated on the 24th of February 2022. Civilians in Ukraine are shelled daily, in their homes, in hospitals, on bus stops, in queues for bread. As a result of the Russian occupation, thousands of people in Ukraine live without access to water, electricity or heating, and it is the most vulnerable groups that are mostly affected by the destruction of critical infrastructure. In the months of the siege and heavy bombardment of Mariupol there was no humanitarian corridor. Watching the Israeli targeting the civilian infrastructure in Gaza, the Israeli humanitarian blockade and occupation of land resonates especially painfully with us. From this place of pain of experience and solidarity, we call on our fellow Ukrainians globally and all the people to raise their voices in support of the Palestinian people and condemn the ongoing Israeli mass ethnic cleansing.
We reject the Ukrainian government statements that express unconditional support for Israel’s military actions, and we consider the calls to avoid civilian casualties by Ukraine’s MFA belated and insufficient. This position is a retreat from the support of Palestinian rights and condemnation of the Israeli occupation, which Ukraine has followed for decades, including voting in the UN. Aware of the pragmatic geopolitical reasoning behind Ukraine’s decision to echo Western allies, on whom we are dependent for our survival, we see the current support of Israel and dismissing Palestinian right to self-determination as contradictory to Ukraine’s own commitment to human rights and fight for our land and freedom. We as Ukrainians should stand in solidarity not with the oppressors, but with those who experience and resist the oppression.
We strongly object to equating of Western military aid to Ukraine and Israel by some politicians. Ukraine doesn’t occupy the territories of other people, instead, it fights against the Russian occupation, and therefore international assistance serves a just cause and the protection of international law. Israel has occupied and annexed Palestinian and Syrian territories, and Western aid to it confirms an unjust order and demonstrates double standards in relation to international law.
We oppose the new wave of Islamophobia, such as the brutal murder of a Palestinian American 6-year old and assault on his family in Illinois, USA, and the equating of any criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism. At the same time, we also oppose holding all Jewish people all over the world accountable for the politics of the state of Israel and we condemn anti-Semitic violence, such as the mob attack on the airplane in Daghestan, Russia. We also reject the revival of the “war on terror” rhetoric used by the US and EU to justify war crimes and violations of international law that have undermined the international security system, caused countless deaths, and has been borrowed by other states, including Russia for the war in Chechnya and China for the Uyghur genocide. Now Israel is using it to carry out ethnic cleansing.
Call to Action
We urge the implementation of the call to ceasefire, put forward by the UN General Assembly resolution.
We call on the Israeli government to immediately stop attacks on civilians, and provide humanitarian aid; we insist on an immediate and indefinite lifting of siege on Gaza and an urgent relief operation to restore civilian infrastructure. We also call on the Israeli government to put an end to the occupation and recognise the right of Palestinian displaced people to return to their lands.
We call on the Ukrainian government to condemn the use of state sanctioned terror and humanitarian blockade against the Gazan civilian population and reaffirm the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination. We also call on the Ukrainian government to condemn deliberate assaults on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.
We call on the international media to stop pitting Palestinians and Ukrainians against each other, where hierarchies of suffering perpetuate racist rhetoric and dehumanize those under attack.
We have witnessed the world uniting in solidarity for the people of Ukraine and we call on everyone to do the same for the people of Palestine.
Signatures:
1. Volodymyr Artiukh, researcher
2. Levon Azizian, human rights lawyer
3. Diana Azzuz, artist, musician
4. Taras Bilous, editor
5. Oksana Briukhovetska, artist, researcher, University of Michigan
6. Artem Chapeye, writer
7. Valentyn Dolhochub, researcher, soldier
8. Nataliya Gumenyuk, journalist
9. John-Paul Himka, professor emeritus, University of Alberta
10. Karina Al Khmuz, biomedical engineer programmer
And more than 100 others.

The Claim that Hamas’ Military Center is Under Gaza’s Biggest Hospital

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Dar Al Shifa Hospital – CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=68136302

On October 19, Ehud Barak, former Israeli Prime Minister, gave an interview to the BBC on its “Newsnight” program in which he said that it was well known that Hamas has its “central command post” under Al Shifa hospital in Gaza and implied Israel would attack it after seeing that all the patients were evacuated to another facility. There’s a recording of the interview at the site Archive.org. You can see it by clicking here and scrolling right until you see Barak’s picture. A transcript of that section of Barak’s remarks is below.

Barak said, “Every reporter that lives in Gaza or in Israel knows” about the location of this command center. His claim is preposterous and a cover for a likely upcoming large-scale war crime. This illegal alleged act to locate a “command post” underneath Al Shifa hospital has never been reported. If it had been known, it would certainly have led to big exposes in many newspapers and on TV. Hamas is ruling the Gaza Strip and surely has a web of tunnels all over that area, but it’s hard to imagine the doctors and officials of the hospital would allow a command post to be built under the hospital or if they had been threatened to keep silent the facts still would have been leaked out. Barak says that Hamas is cynically using “patients” to protect this command center. As Eli Valley reminds us in a brilliant cartoon, this “human shields” argument has been an Israeli government propaganda trope for many years.

If in fact the Israeli military believed Hamas had its command center under the hospital, it already would have been attacked many times. The idea that the IDF would wait and then, as Barak says, take out patients, “passing them to another installation,” is a sick joke. Even if the IDF could develop a humanitarian sense, there is no other “installation” to move patients to from Gaza’s biggest hospital. The World Health Organization has said that 12 of Gaza’s 35 hospitals have closed this month. Israel, which routinely bars Gaza Palestinians from Jerusalem in “peacetime,” certainly is not going to allow thousands of injured “children of darkness” as Netanyahu calls them into Israeli hospitals.

The whole thing should bring to mind what happened in Iraq in 1991 when the United States bombed the Amiriya shelter. The U.S. military claimed it was a “command and control center,” but in fact it was a well-known civilian shelter. Hundreds were gruesomely killed. An attack on Gaza’s biggest hospital to destroy a supposed underground shelter would take bombs of huge power and likely kill multiples of those killed in that Baghdad shelter. On Democracy Now! on October 24, Sherif Kouddous said the Al Shifa hospital is designed for 700 people, but was treating 5,000 with many on the grounds outside hoping proximity to the hospital would bring them safety.

On October 28, the Israeli military command openly made the charge at a press conference. According to the New York Times, “It said that Al Shifa conceals underground command centers for Hamas.” The Times reported that Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari, the chief spokesperson for the Israeli military, claimed that Hamas “does its command and control in different departments of the hospital.” The only “proof” offered were photos from the air of Al Shifa with drawings made by the IDF superimposed. The Times article also estimated that 60,000 Palestinians were sheltering around Shifa hospital.

On October 30, Dr. Mads Gilbert, a Norwegian doctor who worked in Gaza hospitals in many of the recent wars, was asked about the charge on Democracy Now! He said:

I will ask President Netanyahu to put on the table the proofs and the evidence that there is a control and command center for the Palestinian resistance in Shifa Hospital. We have heard these claims since 2009. We have twice been threatened to leave Shifa Hospital, in 2009 and 2014, because the Israelis were going to bomb it because it was a command center. Now, I have been working in Shifa for … 16 years on and off, in very hectic periods…. I’ve been able to walk freely around. I take lots of pictures. I video, film. I’ve been sleeping in the hospital during bombardment. I’ve been all over. I’ve never been restricted, controlled. Nobody has ever controlled my picture and documentation material. So, …, if there is a command center, show us. You have pictures and X-ray films of all Gaza, all the tunnels, everything. So, why is it that these 16 years of threats that Shifa is a command center has not been given any evidence at all that it de facto is? Now, if it was a military command center, I would not work there, because I obey to the Geneva Convention, number one.

One also wonders why the IDF, if it really believed that Hamas had its center under the hospital, would be openly proclaiming this top bit of “intelligence” and giving Hamas commanders an opportunity to slip away.

Relevant portion of BBC transcript:

Barak: I know that no Israeli general would give an order to attack a hospital and no pilot will launch a weapon into a place he knows is a hospital. 

Interviewer Emir Nader: They may well be right. You may well be right, but the reason why so many people find it credible that they can believe this is because schools have been hit. Numerous hospitals have been told by the Israeli army to be evacuated ahead of a strike because it is a potential target.

Barak: I don’t know to what extent the viewers of the BBC know that the central command post of the Hamas in Gaza Strip is where it is you believe. It’s in a bunker underneath the Shifa Hospital. The biggest hospital in the Gaza Strip is the place under which they buried their command post in order to be protected by those patients.

Emir Nader: That’s a very strong claim and we have to take your word for it, the Israeli army’s word for it, because you’re the only people saying that, and it could be used to justify a very, very devastating attack on one of the most important places, humanitarian places within Gaza.

Barak: So first of all, it’s a matter of facts. It’s known to everyone who knows the Middle East. Every reporter that lives in Gaza or in Israel knows that the command post of the Hamas in the Gaza Strip is underneath.

Emir Nader: We have not heard that, we’ve not heard that. No one outside of the Israeli army is saying that.

Barak: I am happy to be the first to tell you, but it’s deliberate. It’s a system that doesn’t care about their own citizens, So we are facing a tough and shrewd rival, but we are determined to destroy it, and we will do and it will take.

Emir Nader: So you think you’re going to attack the Shifa Hospital? Do you think that’s what’s next? Because this language is extremely…It’s laying the ground for any humanitarian position in the Gaza Strip to be leveled. …nowhere’ s safe.

Barak: Believe me it’s more complicated. So I can promise you that we will never attack the hospital as it’s full with patients who are there, in spite of knowing that it’s deliberately underneath the hospital, but I cannot promise you for sure that at a certain point we won’t impose a kind of taking the patients out and passing them to another installation where they can be treated safely and then they destroy the command post of Hamas.

 

Gaza, the West, and the Rest

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[Editors’ note: A major American liberal daily solicited from Gilbert Achcar an article about the ongoing Gaza war, but ended up rejecting his submission as “not a good fit for us.”]

Since Hamas’s October 7 assault across the fence that surrounds the Gaza Strip, that open-air prison holding 2.3 million inmates, a flood of horror has invaded the world’s TV screens. Scenes of slaughter across the fence were soon surpassed by scenes of massacre within. The killing of Israelis (close to 1,400) stopped with the end of Hamas’s incursion by the end of the same day, bar the small number of victims of later rockets launches from Gaza and the unknown fate of the Israeli hostages. The mass murder of Palestinians by the intensive bombing of urban civilian concentrations within Gaza has been increasing at high speed ever since October 7, with bodies piling up in thousands upon thousands at a frightening rhythm.

Hamas is known to believe that all Israeli citizens of voting age are responsible for their state’s oppression of the Palestinian people, invoking a highly reprehensible notion of “collective responsibility.” The killing of non-combatant people is a crime—not only the murder of civilians indeed, but also the killing of surrendering soldiers and war prisoners. The same notion of “collective guilt” has obviously been guiding Israel’s successive sequences of bombing of the Gaza Strip since its army evacuated it in 2005. Over the past fifteen years until the eve of October 7, the ratio of Israeli to Palestinian fatalities was 1/20.8 according to UN figures. Applied to the present situation, this ratio would lead to the killing of over 29,000 Palestinians. There are legitimate fears that the final toll may be even worse.

Statements made by Israeli officials have gone out of bounds. Minister of defense Yoav Gallant’s sinister announcement caused a stir: “I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed…. We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly.” An open violation of international law constitutive of a war crime was thus being justified by dehumanizing a whole population. Israeli president Isaac Herzog blatantly invoked collective responsibility: “It is an entire nation out there that is responsible. It’s not true this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved. It’s absolutely not true. They could have risen up, they could have fought against that evil regime….” By a tragic irony, this statement, which Herzog later tried to walk back, replicates Hamas’s line of argument with yet lesser validity since Israelis elect their government whereas Gazans don’t.

Can one imagine Western leaders making such statements after a terrorist attack on their territory? Could George W.  Bush have said about the Afghans, in the wake of 9/11, that their entire nation is responsible because they could have kicked out Usama bin Laden and his men or risen up against the Taliban who hosted them? Could the U.S. president have decreed a total blockade of Afghanistan while calling its people animals? Why then were such statements tolerated, when not straightforwardly condoned, by Western leaders in their profusive expressions of unconditional solidarity with Israel in the wake of October 7? The only possible explanation is also related to collective guilt, this time as a self-accusation. The participation in the destruction of European Jews as well as the lack of action to prevent it have become the original sin of the Euro-Atlantic West, born as a geopolitical entity in the aftermath of World War Two.

This original guilt has been weaponized by the Israeli state from the prelude to its foundation in 1948 until today. It has been intensively used immediately after October 7, especially in the statement that it constituted the bloodiest day for Jews since the Holocaust, a description that became rapidly ubiquitous in Western media. The obvious function of this characterization is to establish a continuity between Nazism and Hamas—“modern-day Nazis” in the words of Israel’s ambassador to the UN—and by the same token between Nazi Germany and Gaza. This is indeed the perception that has been dominant in the West. It is based on a distortion of reality: most Israelis killed on October 7 were Jews. That much is true. But they were not a persecuted minority systematically exterminated by a mighty state that occupied most of Europe, but members of a privileged majority in an apartheid state that has been occupying the West Bank and Gaza for 56 years, inflicting upon their population a continuum of oppression. Add to this that this state is ruled by a far-right government that includes neo-Nazi ministers and you will realize how incongruous the analogy of October 7 with the Holocaust is.

There is the West and there is the rest. Most of the world—especially in the Global South, as reflected at the emergency session of the UN general assembly—sees the Israel-Palestine issue from a very different perspective: not as a continuation of World War Two but as a continuation of the long history of colonialism. They see Israel as a settler-colonial state, the outcome of a colonization process that is still ongoing in the West Bank. They see the Palestinians as victims of colonialism, desperately fighting against a much more powerful colonizer in a disproportion of forces that is closer to that of European invasions of North America or Australasia than to those of other colonial territories. And they therefore see Hamas’s deed as one more instance of those indiscriminate excesses of violence with which the history of anticolonial struggle is scattered, excesses that pale in comparison with the much heavier toll of colonial violence.

The discrepancy between the West and the rest is aggravated by the fact that not only did Western governments express their compassion for the Jewish victims of October 7 while dismissing, if not condemning, any hint at the context—the fact that Hamas’s attacks “did not happen in a vacuum” as UN Secretary-General António Guterres put it, eliciting a call for his resignation from the Israeli ambassador. They also appeared as condoning the war crimes that Israel’s government had embarked on, starting with the blockade imposed on Gaza’s population, its forced displacement and the bombing of vast swathes of urban civilian agglomeration in the strip. As former senior U.S. and U.N. official Jeffrey Feltman put it: “What better way to reinforce perceptions in the so-called Global South of American double standards than comparing Washington’s condemnation of Russian destruction of Ukrainian civilian architecture with Washington’s relative silence about Israel’s destruction of Gazan civilian infrastructure?”

It is thus that Gaza has come to epitomize more than any conflict in modern history the dichotomy between the global North and South, as well as a “clash of civilizations” that turns out to be a clash of barbarisms. This is extremely serious, for it exacerbates tensions that translate in the spillover of conflicts from South to North—a blowback of which the 9/11 attacks remain the most spectacular manifestation, to this day. As everybody knows, 9/11 unleashed in return a cycle of U.S.-led wars in the Global South with devastating consequences for Afghanistan and Iraq and beyond. There is no way to prevent this bloody spiral from escalating in intensity and scope other than the observation and enforcement of international law and the demonstration of qualitatively equal and quantitively proportional consideration for all victims—be they Jews or Ukrainians or Palestinians.

Poland: Women, youth mobilize in election to defeat reaction

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Poland’s October 15 parliamentary elections have ended the eight-year rule of the incumbent Law and Justice (PiS) party and the United Right (ZP) political alliance centered on it.

The election had the highest turnout in the history of the Third Republic of Poland, at 73.38%.

This result was due to the mobilization of young people and women, especially in the large cities: they were much more inclined to support candidates of the democratic opposition parties.

On election day, the most frequent scenes on Polish media were the queues at polling stations, lasting in some places until the early hours of the following morning (in Wrocław, voting ended at 3am). The scene was similar abroad, with social media circulating pictures of queues in front of Polish embassies and consulates around the world, from Tbilisi to New York.

In the background to this outpouring lay the social movements that have swept Poland in recent years, notably the mass protests against the Constitutional Tribunal ruling limiting grounds for abortion. These engulfed the whole country and were very noticeable in the small towns that have been PiS strongholds.

The massive movement to help Ukrainian refugees at the start of the Russian invasion was likewise important, as has been the longer-term growth of secularization — the drop in the number of young people attending religious classes in schools.

Pre-election situation

PiS traces its origins to the Solidarity (Solidarność) movement. Originally it had a socially conservative and Christian democrat ideological profile, but Catholic-nationalist, Polish-sovereigntist and even moderately Eurosceptic currents have recently emerged within it.

A big part of PiS’s previous successes were its social commitments including 500 zloty (PLN500/$A187) a month for each child — rising to 800 zloty from January 1, 2024, the introduction of 13th and 14th month pension payments, and a rise in the minimum wage.

PiS politicians also portrayed themselves as champions of energy sovereignty (especially more coal mining), finance sector renationalization and ending the privatization of state assets.

In many cases PiS promises ended up as mere rhetoric, notably in a failure to implement an effective housing program (the Polish housing gap is 1‒2 million units) and respond to the demands of parents raising adult children with disabilities.

Although there has recently been less worker protest in Poland, the demands of teachers, civil servants and, especially, miners, also went unmet.

Candidates

The right. Beside PiS, the ZP camp consisted of Sovereign Poland, representing a more national-Catholic electorate hostile to abortion, euthanasia, LGBTQ+ rights, immigration and “the impositions of Brussels”, the less extreme Republican Party and Renewal of the Polish Republic, and Polish Affairs and Kukiz`15, seat-winning tools for individual right-populist politicians.

The center. The opposition Civic Coalition (KO) was centered on Civic Platform, led by former prime minister and European Council president Donald Tusk. It brought together center-right and liberal forces, along with smaller center-left groupings, including the Greens. KO’s most surprising acquisition was the agricultural trade union AGROunia, famous for its colorful anti-government actions.

The “Third Way”. The new Poland 2050 grouping, led by former Catholic journalist Szymon Hołownia, initially challenged KO in many polls. However, with support declining, it formed the Third Way coalition with the center-right, agrarian Polish People’s Party. This alliance emphasized free-market demands, although its voters and activists had diverse positions on these and other issues like abortion.

Social democracy and the left. This was represented by New Left. Formed as a result of the merger of the post-communist Democratic Left Alliance and the social-liberal Spring, its list also included Left Together, the most left-wing grouping in mainstream Polish politics.

Far right. The far-right Confederation presented as a “third force” in opposition to both PiS and KO. In early polling its anti-Ukrainian, anti-immigrant and anti-social welfare message gained around 15% support. However,  ratings soon began to fall and this “technical party”, composed of the libertarian-conservative New Hope, the nationalist National Movement and the Catholic-monarchist Confederation of the Polish Crown, failed to recover from its candidates’ statements on eating dogs, disenfranchising women, supporting Russia and downplaying pedophilia.

Others. This panorama was completed by Non-Partisan Local Government People, the anti-vax and conspiracy theorist party There Is One Poland, the German Minority Electoral Committee and a gaggle of regional far-right groupuscules.

Campaign themes

The election campaign started long before officially announced, with PiS trying to find “catchy” themes to enthuse voters. A tour of the country by leader Jarosław Kaczynski’s featured transphobic jokes, allegations of EU technocrats ordering that insects replace meat on Polish tables and mobilizations defending the honor of late Pope John Paul II, allegedly slandered by a documentary producing evidence that he had done nothing about cases of pedophilia of which he was aware.

PiS also returned to the anti-immigrant rhetoric, in particular the tragic situation on the Polish-Belarusian border. PiS ministers declared that Poland “will not be a second Lampedusa”, painted Tusk as facilitating the Islamization of Europe, launched a hate campaign against the film Green Border (about a Syrian family and an Afghan woman trying to enter Poland via Belarus) and even introduced temporary border controls at the crossings with Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Lithuania.

Yet this narrative was shattered by the cash for visa scandal, in which Polish consulates were found to be charging up to $US5000 for facilitating visa applications in Asian and African countries.

Other tactics included: stirring anti-Ukrainian prejudice over imports of cheaper Ukrainian grain (PiS prime minister Mateusz Morawiecki threatened that temporary rights for Ukrainian refugees to social benefits could lapse and Poland no longer arm Ukraine); defense (the KO were branded as “traitors” soft on Russia); and bribes in the form of pension increases, handouts to voluntary organizations and a discount price for state-owned Orlen petrol.

The opposition relied on mobilizations, including KO’s half-million strong June 4 march (anniversary of the first partially free elections in 1989) and the October 1 Million Hearts March called in response to the detention of a Krakow woman for taking the morning-after pill (more than a million attended).

Results

PiS won 35.38% (194 seats in the 460-seat Sejm), KO 30.7% (157 seats), Third Way 14.4% (65), the New Left 8.61% (26) and Confederation 7.16% (18). No other forces passed the 5% threshold.

PiS lost support even in districts that traditionally favor it and several well-known ruling party politicians lost their seats.

The Left also lost 23 of its 49 seats in the Sejm, mainly to KO and Third Way, even while within its caucus Left Together increased from six seats to seven. In the Senate, by contrast, the New Left went from two seats to nine (Left Together from zero to two).

The far right, while increasing representation, failed because its expected gain had been much higher.

Thanks to the opposition’s so-called Senate Pact — in each of the 100 Senate districts only one candidate was fielded — it won 66 senators (KO 41, Third Way 11, New Left 9, independents 5) to PiS’s 34.

PiS was unable to form a government coalition, even with Confederation, and the three democratic opposition groups, with 248 seats in total, declared they would govern together.

PiS also presented four loaded referendum questions on election day. All failed because participation failed to meet the 50% threshold.

What next?

A government formed by KO, Third Way and New Left will have to balance varying interests. Initial announcements include improving relations with the European Union, unblocking money for the National Reconstruction Plan, wage rises for public servants, teachers and health workers, and a halt to the construction of the so-called Central Transport Port, target of local community protest.

Shops will again open on Sundays, but in return New Left is demanding 2.5 times higher pay for Sunday and public holiday work. Renewable energy’s role will increase (including the construction of a nuclear power plant), as will defense spending.

Tax policy will be problematic. While the three parties support reinstating tax deductibility for health contributions, they disagree over the tax-free threshold and tax rates on higher incomes (New Left for, KO against).

Issues like abortion or same-sex partnerships will probably not be part of the coalition agreement but possibly subject of a free vote in the Sejm.

Stopping illegal pushbacks on the Polish-Belarusian border, reforming the police and a less repressive approach to culture? We will soon find out.

 

This piece was originally published on Green Left on Oct. 27, 2023. A detailed version of this article will soon be available on the web site of Links — International Journal of Socialist Renewal

The West cannot escape the extension of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

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For Gilbert Achcar, specialist in the contemporary Arab world at the University of London, the West cannot escape the extension of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on its lands. But how can we understand this quasi-global solidarity within the Muslim world? Interview.

The Israeli response to the offensive led by Hamas generated the uprising of a large part of the Muslim world, from Baghdad to Tehran via European capitals. How can we not fear a conflagration in relations between East and West, when the solidarity of Muslims with the Palestinian people is powerfully heard, between peaceful demonstrations of support and acts of terrorism? Elements of response with Gilbert Achcar, professor at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London, specialist in the contemporary Arab world and author of various works on the subject, including The Clash of Barbarisms. The Making of the New World Disorder (2002).

How should we understand solidarity reactions of the Muslim world after the Hamas attack?

These reactions highlight the North-South divide that exists in the perception of the conflict in the Middle East. Certainly, the assault carried out by Hamas was particularly violent, but there were similar reactions to September 11. After that absolutely monumental shock, the Western world identified with the United States, as it is doing today with Israel. However, in the countries of the Global South, many people rejoiced at the fact that, for once, the United States had “taken the heat”.

Is this how Muslim countries feel about Israel today?

There is, within the Muslim world, a large gap between Arab governments which establish relations with the State of Israel and public opinion, which takes up the cause of the Palestinians. The latter considers, rightly on a historical level, that in Palestine, the victims are not the Jews, but the Palestinians. In the world of European culture, people tend to see Jews as victims because of the incomparable historical horror that was the Shoah. And they tend to project this same reading grid onto current events.

And that isn’t the case?

References to pogroms and the Holocaust are precisely inadequate. What Hamas did is barbaric. But what Israel constantly does by bombing hospitals, buildings, civilian concentrations, is also barbarism. So, outside the Western world, we do not see Israelis – I am not talking about Jews in general, but Israelis – as victims, but as settlers, protagonists of settler colonialism. We must therefore move away from this Western vision a little and try to see things as others can see them – these others who are the majority of the planet.

So are we then facing a clash of visions between the Western world and the Global South?

As I already wrote in the aftermath of September 11, we live in a world where each civilization produces its own forms of barbarism, which depend on its means. The United States committed unspeakable barbarities in Vietnam, Iraq, etc. And the September 11 attacks were eminently barbaric. But, in this clash of barbarities, we cannot be neutral.

That’s to say?

We cannot wrap ourselves in a moral attitude that would send everyone back-to-back. This would be unfair, because the main responsibility falls on the strongest, on those who are oppressors. I obviously condemn any act of barbarism. But if we add up, there have been over the years many more Palestinian than Israeli victims. And this is what people in the Muslim world record. And that is why, despite the atrocity of what happened, they continue to see the Palestinians as the fundamental victims.

Doesn’t the support given to Israel since this attack risk further inflaming tempers?

Yes, of course, and that is why the Hamas attack is madness. 9/11 was a big blow to America’s arrogance, but it enormously served the administration of George W. Bush, who was previously at rock bottom in the polls. He suddenly found himself with 80% popularity and launched into wars: Afghanistan and Iraq. Members of his administration had been toying with the idea of occupying Iraq for a long time, and Bin Laden offered them the perfect opportunity. We are seeing the same thing today: Netanyahu, who was against the withdrawal from Gaza in 2005 and who resigned from the Israeli government for this reason, will now be leading a new occupation of Gaza. This is clearly his plan, but this time with a massive and forced displacement of the population, which he wishes to push across the border into Egyptian Sinai.

In this spirit of intra-Muslim solidarity, how can we understand that the doors of Egypt remain closed?

The Egyptians understand very well that Palestinians who leave Gaza will probably not be allowed to return. Everyone has in mind the pattern of what happened in 1948 when the Palestinians fled the fighting. They abandoned their homes, taking their keys with them, because they thought they would return. However, they were never allowed to return and that is how they became refugees. This is exactly what is likely to unfold before our eyes.

How can we understand that this solidarity is expressed not only in the Muslim world, but also among Muslims in Europe or America?

Because they come from the colonized world and see things very differently in fact. Obviously, we should not generalize when talking about the West, Muslims, and Jews. There are, for example, in Europe and America, many people of Jewish descent who are very critical of the State of Israel. These people clearly see the paradox: this state was created by military means in 1948 with the ambition of offering a safe haven to Jews. But is there anywhere in the world where Jews are less safe today than in Israel? It is a terrible historical failure.

How did we get here?

Since 1967, the West Bank and Gaza have been under occupation. And Israel continues to violate international law and build settlements in the West Bank. It’s an infernal dynamic. But make no mistake: what will happen there will be terrible and will have repercussions on the Israeli population itself, but also on Europe and the United States, which will be regarded as complicit. The international community is guilty of letting the situation deteriorate, starting with the United States which has the most influence over Israel, followed by Europe.

Therefore, should we expect a resurgence of terrorist attacks?

I fear this is what awaits us. The cycle of violence in the Middle East has continued to spill over into Europe, and even reached the United States in spectacular fashion in 2001 in what remains the largest terrorist operation in history.

How can we prevent this conflict from spreading to our country?

Maybe I’m naive or idealistic, but I believe in international law. I believe that the UN is a precious achievement for humanity and the only framework that can shape a peaceful world. But the UN charter continues to be violated. Only its integral application can achieve the very reason for which it was conceived: universal peace.

https://www.chretiens.info/chretiens/chretiens-de-terre-sainte/loccident-ne-saurait-echapper-a-lextension-du-conflit-israelo-palestinien-sur-ses-terres/2023/10/17/17/48/

https://www.protestinfo.ch/sites/default/files/data/documents/reprise/Achcar_LaTribuneDeGene%CC%80ve_Protestinfo.pdf

https://www.protestinfo.ch/sites/default/files/data/documents/reprise/Achcar_24heures_Protestinfo.pdf

https://www.protestinfo.ch/sites/default/files/data/documents/reprise/Achcar_LeCourrier_Protestinfo.pdf

 

An uprising for democracy in Guatemala

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Maya Kaqchikel dancers perform at the protest outside the public prosecutors’ office after walking for four days from the Chimaltenango department to Guatemala City. Photo: Sandra Cuffe.

The kitchen tent was bustling with activity as volunteers prepared tortillas, scrambled eggs, doled out portions of beans and cheese, and poured coffee. It was just before eight in the morning at the protest outside the public prosecutors’ office in Guatemala City, where a dedicated crew has been serving Indigenous leaders and other demonstrators around the clock for more than two weeks straight.

“We have been sleeping here,” said Juana Chávez, gesturing to a little patch of road under the canopy, between piles of equipment and shelves stacked with food supplies. A Maya K’iche member of Oxlajuj Ajpop, an organization dedicated to Mayan spirituality and sacred sites, Chávez has been one of the core kitchen volunteers since day one. “We are here in the resistance,” she told Ojalá proudly of the crew of women and men, young and old, Indigenous and not.

The Guatemala City protest is part of an Indigenous-led national shutdown now in its third week, with ongoing highway and road blockades around the country, and the threat of an imminent crackdown. People are demanding the resignations of the attorney general and other judicial system operators who are behind the efforts to subvert electoral democracy.

Outrage against ‘the pact of the corrupt’

Bernardo Arévalo, a social-democrat congressman and son of the country’s first democratically elected president, won the presidential run-off election on August 20. Since he qualified for the run-off in June, prosecutors have periodically raided election tribunal offices, seized original vote tally sheets, targeted election magistrates, sought to cancel Arévalo’s Semilla party, and continued investigations into various aspects of the electoral process. There is widespread concern that the ultimate aim of the efforts, condemned by everyone from local community associations to the UN Secretary-General, is to prevent Arévalo from taking office in January.

“They want to carry out a technical coup d’état,” said Mynor Say, a Maya K’iche authority from the village of Vázquez in Totonicapán, during a march in Guatemala City. “We are seeing that democracy is being undermined in Guatemala.”

Indigenous authorities—elected autonomously by their communities—from Totonicapán and around the country called the shutdown, and their representatives have maintained a permanent presence in the capital. The mass actions began as dawn broke on October 2, when thousands of people began gathering along the Pan-American and other highways in Guatemala. The shutdown is categorically non-partisan; people are defending democracy, not Arévalo or his party.

Thousands of vendors from markets all over Guatemala City march to the public prosecutors’ office in support of the demands of Indigenous authorities. Photo: Sandra Cuffe.

The number of highway and road blockades has constantly fluctuated up and down, ranging from a dozen to more than 150, peaking on October 9. Since then, many have let up, some periodically let traffic through, and a few have been evicted by police. Groups of armed men have also intimidated or attacked several blockade actions, in a few cases opening fire and injuring demonstrators. A protester, Francisco Gonzalo Velásquez, was killed on October 16 when gunmen attacked a blockade in the municipality of Malacatán, near the Mexican border.

Interior Minister Napoleón Barrientos resigned the evening of October 16, citing “the complexity of the current situation in which the country finds itself” in his resignation letter. In charge of the national police force, he had been under pressure to crack down on the protests. Prosecutors filed a court motion earlier that day seeking to force his removal for failing to do so.

On October 18, the Constitutional Court ordered police to take action and “enable full access” to all locations of the public prosecutors’ office within six hours. The court also ordered the military to assist if necessary. The protest outside the Guatemala City headquarters is not obstructing employee access, but protesters expect a crackdown.

The convoluted latest chapter in a long-simmering crisis did not come out of nowhere. When Arévalo unexpectedly made it to the run-off and then won, “we saw this coming,” said Angelina Aspuac, coordinator of the National Movement of Maya Weavers. “State institutions today are coopted,” she told Ojalá at the protest outside the public prosecutors’ office.

After a few years of groundbreaking criminal cases that saw former heads of state stand trial for genocide and corruption, a backlash campaign began around 2017 and has not stopped since. The government shuttered a UN-backed anti-impunity commission. Dozens of judges and prosecutors facing criminalization and threats were forced into exile. An informal multi-partisan ruling alliance commonly known as the “pact of the corrupt” stacked the Constitutional Court, the ultimate check and balance on power. Supreme Court and appeals court magistrates have now been in office four years beyond their five-year terms.

“They see Bernardo Arévalo as a threat because he is a dissident voice in this whole process of corruption,” Aspuac said of the alliance that effectively controls all three branches of government. “Now they want to prevent him from taking office at all costs.”

Joy and hope on the front lines

In spite of the democratic backsliding and attacks against blockades, the actions have also been celebrations of resistance, with music, dancing, art, ceremonies, piñatas, and other activities. Communities have been caravaning and even arriving on foot to support blockades in the highlands and capital, taking turns to keep the actions going strong. Every day, different old US school buses painted in vivid colors are parked behind the public prosecutors’ office.

Around the corner, doctors set up tables and boxes filled with medications and supplies every morning at a makeshift medical aid station, an all-volunteer initiative that got started toward the end of the first week of the protest. Every day, the team provides medical attention to roughly 350 people, among them Indigenous authorities, protesters, neighborhood residents, and anyone else who shows up. Some of the most common ailments they see are respiratory infections, diarrhea, and skin infections, according to Carlos Díaz, one of the volunteer doctors.

At the medical aid tent outside the public prosecutors’ office, doctor Carlos Díaz bandages the feet of a Kaqchikel woman who marched for four days to Guatemala City. Photo: Sandra Cuffe.

“We responded to the call of the Maya authorities to resist,” Díaz told Ojalá, adding that they too will remain until the clamor of the people’s struggle is heard. “Our way of protesting against the government, against corruption, against shortages, is providing health to the people.”

Beyond the stationary protests and support organizing, marches snake through the capital on a near-daily basis. Diverse sectors have been mobilizing, and market tenants and vendors have been especially active. One of their biggest marches involved thousands of people from dozens of markets, filling multiple city blocks. Alicia Portillo, a clothing vendor at the San Martín market, told Ojalá no one can remember there ever having been such a united mass movement across markets in the city.

“We’re showing that democracy really matters to us,” José Pérez, who sells jewelry at the El Tierrero market in another zone of the capital, shouted over the ear-splitting din of plastic noisemakers. Market closures are affecting him and so many others who live day to day, he said, “but it is better to stop work to support the people because we show that everybody united can create change and make a difference.”

The march ended with a show of support for Indigenous authorities at the protest outside the public prosecutors’ office, where —as at other actions around the country— people vow they will remain until the attorney general and others resign. “I don’t think their resignations would resolve the situation, but it would be a step,” said Aspuac. “We don’t have much hope in this state. Nevertheless, we can’t remain silent.”

 

This article originally appeared on Ojalá, Oct. 18, 2023

 

 

Iranian Progressives Respond to Israel’s Genocidal Assault on Palestinians

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Photo by Naaman Omar, AP images

[Editors’ Note: This statement from Iranian progressives indicates that Hamas’s October 7 assault on Israeli civilians was “planned with the Iranian government’s extensive training and support.” We take this to refer to the well-documented Iranian government military support for Hamas, not direct planning of the Hamas attack. The New York Times reports that “The United States, Israel and key regional allies have said they have not found evidence in early intelligence gathering that Iran directly helped plan the attack.”]

Iranian progressives strongly condemn Israel’s bombing of the people of Gaza. While they emphasize the genocidal character of the Israeli siege of Gaza, they also strongly condemn Hamas’s October 7 assault on Israeli civilians, planned with the Iranian government’s extensive training and support.

***

A majority of the Iranian public who oppose their own government know that for the past four decades the Islamic Republic has instrumentalized the plight of the Palestinians for its own authoritarian purposes. Nevertheless, they feel a deep sympathy with the Palestinian people in their struggle for national self-determination against Israeli occupation.

Iranian progressives,  strongly condemn Israel’s bombing of  the people of Gaza. While they emphasize the genocidal character of the Israeli siege of Gaza, they also strongly condemn Hamas’s October 7 assault on Israeli civilians, planned with the Iranian government’s extensive training and support.

The Association for Iranian Studies wrote:

As academics, we have a moral obligation to counter hate speech and hate-acts and to work toward peace, tolerance and justice. Sometimes, it is difficult to know how to compare different experiences of suffering or to mete out justice, but one thing is certain: Endless cycles of oppression, violence and hate only derail and delay the possibility of a peaceful future. (Association for Iranian Studies, 2023)

Most Iranian progressives have learned lessons from the 1979 Iranian Revolution when a religious fundamentalist, authoritarian and misogynist organization was allowed to represent the aspirations of the masses. They do not wish this on the Palestinian masses.

F. Dashti, a writer for Zamaneh, a Persian-language website in Holland with writers inside Iran, wrote: “Of course the Israeli Palestinian issue is very complicated. . . If only these two main elements were involved, perhaps the situation would not become so complicated. However, there are others behind the scene or sometimes on the stage who establish themselves with utterly different interests and calculations. The changes that they have brought about and their occasional ruses for appearing on one side and then on the other, make everything more complicated.” (Dashti, 2023)

Khosrow Sadeghi-Borujeni, a labor and social welfare researcher in Iran, writes about Israel’s role since 1987 in propping up Hamas as an alternative to the more secular Palestinian nationalist leaders. He cites Adam Hanieh, a Jordanian political economist, on Hamas’s torture and murder of Palestinian leftists, and its promotion of misogyny and capitalist exploitation. Borujeni concludes that “if these realities and interactions of existing forces in the field of struggle are not taken into consideration, the legitimate defense of Palestine and the violence of a captive people will only lead to a greater human toll and will be a pretext for further repression of the people of Palestine and Lebanon, in the interest of the U.S. and Israel. Therefore, a force that is itself part of the problem and which has itself benefited from this problem for decades, cannot take forward steps in the pathway toward solving the problem.” (Sadeghi-Borujeni, 2023)

A recent statement issued by several Iranian socialist organizations in exile is entitled, “The People of Palestine and Israel Will Not Benefit from This Reactionary War.” This statement argues that “in the past few years, with the ‘Abraham Accords’, reactionary Arab governments have promoted open reconciliation with Israel, which has endangered the position of Hamas, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah and the Islamic Republic in confronting Israel.” Thus, the Islamic Republic of Iran “needs this war and is one side of these politics of war promotion.” (Rahe Kargar, 2023)

Many activists inside Iran are also deeply concerned about the Islamic Republic’s instrumentalization of the Palestinian cause and its use of pro-Palestinian rhetoric to cover over its intensifying repression at home. While the Iranian government speaks about the suffering of the Palestinian people under Israeli colonialism, it continues to crack down on Iran’s national minorities such as the Kurds, many of whom have been executed simply for believing in the Kurdish right to self-determination. Kurdish activists who have fled to northern Iraq’s Kurdistan Regional Government to seek refuge in Kurdish opposition party camps are now being pushed out under Iranian government pressure.  Most recently, a prominent Iranian filmmaker,  Dariush Mehrjui and his wife,  Vahideh Mohammadifar,  a screenwriter were stabbed to death in their home in a manner similar to various other dissident intellectuals in the past few decades.  Prior to his assassination,  Mehrjui had challenged the Ministry of Culture in a videotaped message against censorship.  (Najafi, 2023)

S. Shams, a reporter from Zamaneh writes: “It seems that a deep dialogue to build solidarity between Iranian and Palestinian fighters does not exist. With the exception of a letter from some Palestinian artists at the beginning of the Zhina Uprising [the Woman, Life, Freedom movement] in defense of Iranian freedom fighters, we have not seen any other clear stances expressed about current struggles inside Iran, and often it seems that Palestinian activists are evasive when it comes to talking about issues in Iran.” (Shams, 2023)

In response, a Palestinian Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions activist states: “The state of constant war severely limits free speech. The Palestinian people are under pressure. They live and struggle in a complicated situation and cannot easily criticize anyone.” (Shams, 2023 )

While the pressures that the Palestinian people face are immense, and Israel’s latest invasion of Gaza is becoming bloodier and more destructive by the day, the possibility of this war becoming a massive regional war with the intervention of Iran and its proxy militia groups is very real.

Iranian progressives are with the Palestinians in their struggle against genocide. However, they also want to make sure that the Iranian government does not take advantage of this war to extinguish the Woman, Life, Freedom movement that emerged in Iran last year as a struggle for women’s rights, the rights of oppressed minorities and labor rights. They do not want the world to forget that Narges Mohammadi, an Iranian feminist human rights activist who is incarcerated, was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her courageous struggle for women’s rights and against the death penalty.

Iranian progressives want to express their solidarity with the Palestinian struggle on the basis of a life-affirming vision that challenges religious fundamentalism, authoritarianism, colonialism, imperialism, racism, misogyny, homophobia and class exploitation. (Statement of Minimum Demands, 2023)

References:

Association for Iranian Studies. (2023) “AIS Council Statement on the War in Gaza.” October 12.

Fassihi, Farnaz and Ronen Bergman. (2023) “Invasion Prompts a Renewed Examination of Hamas’s Connections to Iran.” New York Times. October 14.

Dashti, F. (2023) “Vahshat-e Bitafavoti.” Zamaneh. October 10.

https://www.radiozamaneh.com/784876/

Najafi, Elahe. (2023)  “Mehrjui as Aqaz to Farjam.”  Zamaneh.  October 14.  https://www.radiozamaneh.com/785457

Rah-e Kargar. 2023. “Mardom Felestin va Esrail Hich Manafe’I dar in Jang-e Erteja’I Nadarand.” Rahe Kargar. October 9.

https://rahkargar.com/?p=23706

Ramezanian, Ali. (2023).  “Hemayat-e Mali va Taslihati-ye Iran as Hamas Cheqadr Ast?”  BBC Persian,  October 17.  https://www.bbc.com/persian/articles/cprxydnn3v7o

Sadeghi-Borujeni, Khosrow (2023). “’Madar-e Sefr Darejeh-e’ Khavaremianeh.” Naqd-e Eqtesad-e Siasi. October 11.

https://pecritique.com/2023/10/11/%d9%85%d8%af%d8%a7%d8%b1-%d8%b5%d9%81%d8%b1%d8%af%d8%b1%d8%ac%d9%87%db%8c-%d8%ae%d8%a7%d9%88%d8%b1%d9%85%db%8c%d8%a7%d9%86%d9%87-%d8%ae%d8%b3%d8%b1%d9%88-%d8%b5%d8%a7%d8%af/

Shams, S. (2023) “Mobarezeh-e Jahani Aleyh-e Apartaid dar Felestin: Peyvandsazi baraye Azadi-ye Hamegani.” Zamaneh. October 8.

https://www.radiozamaneh.com/784342/

Statement of Minimum Demands of Iranian Unions and Civil Society Organizations. February 14, 2023.

The Statement of Minimum Demands of Independent Iranian Unions and Civil Society Organizations – Iranian Progressives in Translation

 

This statement first appeared on Frieda Afary’s blog, Iranian Progressives in Translation, on Oct. 17, 2023.

 

 

A War Preparation Habit

The Rise, Fall, and Rise Again of School-Based Military Training

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A review of Breaking the War Habit: The Debate Over Militarism in American Education, by Seth Kershner, Scott Harding, and Charles Howlett. (University of Georgia Press, 2023).

In the late 1960s and early 70s, no symbol of university complicity with the Vietnam War aroused more students than military training on campus. Campaigning against the Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) program became a major focus of the anti-war movement. Critics demanded everything from stripping ROTC courses of academic credit to, more popularly, kicking the program off campus. Foot-dragging by college trustees, administrators, and faculty members reluctant to cut ties with the military sparked an escalation of protest activity, from peaceful picketing to more aggressive action. ROTC buildings were trashed, bombed, or set on fire — most famously at Kent State University. There, a May 1970 arson attempt triggered a National Guard occupation that led to the fatal shooting of four students (one of them a ROTC cadet) and then the largest student strike in US history.

During the Vietnam era, the manpower requirements of the U.S. military were met by conscription, draft-driven enlistments, and volunteers. In the last category were graduates of West Point, other service academies, and private military colleges like the Citadel and VMI. The Department of Defense (DOD) needed far more first lieutenants than these institutions could produce. So a then-fifty year old infrastructure of DOD-funded Military Science Departments at two thousand colleges and universities, around the country, played a critical role in generating the necessary newly commissioned officers.

When I entered college in 1967, I became one of 250,000 ROTC cadets drilling in uniform, firing guns at the rifle range, and studying military science that year. Two years before, at my alma mater, I would not have had any choice; ROTC enrollment was mandatory for all freshman and sophomore males. Apolitical at the time, I was already the beneficiary of a great class injustice—student deferments which enabled millions of draft age young men to avoid being drafted as long as they maintained their under-graduate or graduate student status. (See Cheney, Dick, the infamous Republican chicken-hawk who got six such deferments prior to reaching the safe age of 26 in 1967).

But, even with college attendance providing draft protection for four years, there was still the need for military service contingency planning, post-graduation.  “When you have to go,” we were advised by sage elders. “It’s better to go as an officer than an enlisted man.” Plus, at the small private college I attended, ROTC defenders on the faculty—World War II vets among them–claimed that having a stream of non-military academy graduates with liberal arts backgrounds serving, as army officers, would have a leavening influence on the U.S. military.

It didn’t take long for most of my freshman ROTC class to conclude that our future citizen-soldiering was unlikely to have such positive impact. No one was enthusiastic about US intervention in Southeast Asia, except our instructor, a gung-ho Army captain recently returned from Vietnam.  His impassioned lectures about fighting “world communism,” there and everywhere, were met with mounting skepticism and derision, leading to a sizeable number of defections after a single semester. I was not the only former cadet who became very active in efforts to abolish the draft, kick ROTC off campus, and end the Vietnam War, in whatever order any of those goals could be achieved, locally or nationally.

Little Known History

Our anti-ROTC activism in the Vietnam era was not informed by any knowledge of previous campus or community-based campaigns against military training of students, of the sort described in Breaking the War Habit.  For that little-known back story, New Politics readers can now consult this valuable history of anti-ROTC campaigning, over the last century. It’s co-authors include Seth Kershner, a PhD candidate at the University of Massachusetts, Scott Harding, who teaches at the University of Connecticut, and Charles Howlett, a retired professor of education at Molloy College,

As they report, the creation of ROTC via the National Defense Act of 1916 did not go uncontested, either before or after World War I. By the mid-1920s, “nearly two-thirds of all universities hosting ROTC had made the program mandatory for at least some of its male students.” So a national Committee on Militarism in Education (CME) was formed in 1925 to seek a Congressional ban on compulsory military training “in any educational setting other than a military school.” Even the conservative AFL-CIO backed this effort. Organized labor warned that the U.S. would soon become a “militaristic nation” if the “propaganda of military sabre-rattlers” was allowed to “make goose-steppers out of the school boys of America” (and potential strike-breakers as well).

Between the two world wars, CME effectively debunked the notion that ROTC was an innocuous form of “citizenship training” and helped persuade “dozens of colleges and universities to abolish compulsory military instruction.” Its “small cadre of committed individuals—pacifists, educators, socialists, and clergy—believed that, by opposing the militarization of education, they could prevent the formation of the military mindset capable of tipping the nation into another world war.” But the climate for “peace education” was not very favorable in the late 1930s. Many of CME’s own “longtime allies began to view war as the only path to eliminate the threat of fascism” in German, Italy, and Japan. When conscription was re-introduced in 1940 by the Roosevelt Administration, the group folded its tents and disbanded.

In the post-World War II era, as the authors of Breaking the War Habit note, a victorious United States emerged “as the sole global superpower” but used its rivalry with the Soviet Union to justify the “largest peacetime military establishment in U.S. history.”  The resulting “repressive Cold War atmosphere constrained peace activism throughout the 1950s.”

All that had changed by 1967, when President Lyndon Johnson escalated U.S. military intervention in Vietnam but did not want to call up either the National Guard or reserve units to fight. His “decision to move nineteen-year-olds to the top of the draft list catalyzed the anti-war movement and sparked a much bigger wave of protest against on-campus military recruiting.”

ROTC Redux

That wave peaked during the student strike of 1970, with its widespread targeting of ROTC facilities on campus. By the following spring, when I graduated from college, ROTC enrollment had shrunk to 87,000 and the program had either been evicted from a number of colleges and universities, or forced to shut-down due to declining enrollment. So, like many other former student radicals, I went on to other causes and campaigns, paying very little attention to what became of school-based military training in the era of the “all-volunteer army.”

As Kershner points out, after US troops were withdrawn from Vietnam and the draft ended in 1973, “high schools became the answer to the Pentagon’s manpower problems.”  While the armed forces beat a strategic retreat from the Ivy League and some elite private colleges, enrollment in public high school Junior ROTC programs (JROTC) mushroomed.

The DOD began targeting “under resourced schools and low-income communities, where opportunities are limited and young people are susceptible to the military’s promise of career advancement and college benefits.”

According to a New York Times analysis, “majority minority schools are nearly three times as likely as majority white schools to have a JROTC program.” Nationwide, half a million teenagers now get military training in 3,300 public high schools throughout the country. About 40 percent of the cadets who spend three years in such programs end up enlisting after graduation. This makes JROTC a key component of the Pentagon’s annual struggle to meet its “all-volunteer force” recruitment quotas. 

JROTC is not promoted as a pipeline to active duty. Rather it’s sold to teachers, parents, and school board members as an opportunity for additional adult mentoring, exposure to military discipline, and inculcation of civic values. Cadets get to drill in uniform, handle weapons, learn military ranks and history, and stand at attention when visitors come to their classes. Their instructors are military veterans certified by the DOD, although many states don’t require them to have either teaching certificates or a college degree. In addition, the DOD leaves day-to-day monitoring of their classroom performance (and after class behavior) to school administrators busy with many other responsibilities.

That lax oversight has had calamitous results. As the New York Times recently revealed in a major investigative piece, at least 33 JROTC instructors have engaged in sexual misbehavior with young women in the program during the last five years. And that JROTC rap sheet does not even include the “many others who have been accused of misconduct but [were] never charged” or the inappropriate behavior that went unreported because cadets were afraid of jeopardizing their potential military careers.

Adult Mentoring?

The front-page revelations sparked outrage from two House members with government oversight functions. In an August, 2022 letter to DOD Secretary Lloyd Austin and the Secretaries of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, US Representatives Carolyn Maloney (D-NY) and Stephen Lynch (D-MA) called incidents of sexual harassment and abuse “completely unacceptable and an abject betrayal of the trust and faith these young men and women placed in the U.S. Military.” The House members specifically demanded to know what action Pentagon leaders are taking in response to the reports, including whether additional oversight of JROTC instructors is being planned “to insure the safety and well-being of cadets.”

If the DOD’s past response to sexual harassment and assault of women in uniform by fellow soldiers is any guide, its efforts to protect vulnerable teenagers from pre-enlistment exposure to “military culture” will also fall short. The criminal behavior of so many “military science” instructors, implanted in public high schools by the DOD, may have two unintended consequences, however, First, it could give campaigners against such programs a new issue to organize around. Second, as Maloney and Lynch note, negative publicity about JROTC could further dampen enthusiasm for military enlistment.

Even with the Pentagon dispatching some 20,000 recruiters, spending $1.4 billion every year on 1,400 military recruiting stations, and gaining wide access to high schools throughout the country, only one in ten young people are considering military service. As Major General Edward Thomas, Jr., commander of the Air Force Recruiting Service, says of that polling result, “There are just lower levels of trust with the U.S. government and the military.” By June of 2022, for example, the Army had only 40 percent of the 57,000 new soldiers it needed to signed up by last fall — so it began offering enlistment bonuses as high as $50,000.

In addition, three-quarters of the 17 to 24-year-olds targeted by recruiters have disqualifying conditions like no high school diploma, a criminal record, chronic obesity, or some other physical or mental health problem that renders them ineligible to serve without a special waver. Among those in the last category are some of the damaged survivors of Junior ROTC. One, profiled by the Times, is Victoria Bauer from Picayune, Mississippi who wanted to become a Marine before she was sexually assaulted, at age fifteen, by her instructor. To this day, she still wants to know why those ostensibly responsible for defending the US can’t even protect their “own people.”

Counter-Recruiting

Activists trying to spare other high school students the traumatic experience that plunged Bauer into depression and self-harm can learn much from the case-studies in Breaking the War Habit and an earlier book by Kershner and Harding called Counter-Recruitment and the Campaign to Demilitarize Public Schools (Palgrave Macmillan, 2016). As anti-JROTC campaigners in Baltimore learned, the hard way, challenging the “school to military pipeline for economically disadvantaged youth” in communities of color requires deft coalition-building. Despite persistent efforts, led by the American Friends Service Committee, foes of military training in Baltimore inner city schools “ultimately failed…because their antimilitarist, ideological messages did not connect with pragmatic school board members and the local community.”

During an earlier phase of this struggle, Maryland peace activists got critical backing from U.S. Rep Parren Mitchell, a co-founder of the Congressional Black Caucus and the first African-American elected to the House from his state. In a letter to the Baltimore school board, Mitchell acknowledged the need for programs that encouraged young people to stay in school, learn job skills, and stay out of gangs. But he strongly differed with those in the community “who believe that having military training for students…will dissipate underlying currents of unrest, anger or frustration” among African-American youth. “This is a poor solution to a serious problem” Mitchell declared. “You do not solve the problems of our young people by teaching them to march and shout, ‘Yes, sir!’”

Like younger veterans involved in countering JROTC today, Mitchell had the street cred of past military service. Before becoming a local civil rights leader, he served as an infantry officer in World War II and received the Purple Heart after being wounded during combat in Italy. But voices like his—or the late Congressman Ron Dellums (D-CA), a Marine Corps veteran critical of JROTC—are few and far between today. More typical is the boosterism of a non-veteran named Barack Obama who used his 2011 State of the Union address to encourage a ROTC come-back at colleges and universities across the country.

Two years later, the Department of Defense celebrated its return to City College in NYC, where ROTC had been ousted four decades earlier and student resistance to military training began in 1925. As the authors note, strong opposition from the Professional Staff Congress, which represents thirty thousand faculty members, did thwart the DOD at several other City University of New York campuses, “a partial victory that was one of the few bright spots in an era marked by growing acceptance of ROTC.”

Gaza: The Impending Catastrophe and the Urgency of Stopping It

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In the last few days, Gaza has epitomized the global North-South divide more than any other conflict in contemporary history. The indecent unanimity of Western governments in unreservedly expressing their unconditional support of the Israeli state—at the very moment when the latter had already and quite obviously embarked on a campaign of war crimes against the Palestinian people of unprecedented magnitude in the 75-year-long history of the regional conflict—has been truly sickening. Since the 7th of October, these governments have been outbidding each other in this endeavour—from projecting the Israeli flag on Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate, London’s Parliament, Paris’s Eiffel Tower and Washington’s White House, to sending military hardware to Israel as well as dispatching U.S. and UK naval reinforcements to the Eastern Mediterranean in a gesture of solidarity with the Zionist state, to prohibiting diverse forms of expression of political support to the Palestinian cause, thus curtailing elementary political freedoms.

All this is happening at a time when the usual imbalance in Western media reporting on Israel/Palestine has reached a peak. As usual, grieving Israelis, women in particular, have been profusely shown on screens, incomparably more than grieving Palestinians have ever been. Hamas’s Operation Al-Aqsa Flood occasioned a flood of images of violence against unarmed people, with a special focus on a rave similar to those commonly organized in Western countries, so as to accentuate the “narcissistic compassion … evoked much more by calamities striking ‘people like us’, much less by calamities affecting people unlike us.” The much larger-scale Israeli violence that has been pounding civilians in Gaza since Hamas launched its operation has been much less reported, let alone condemned. Even as blatant a war crime as the total blockade in water, food, fuel, and electricity inflicted upon a population of 2.3 million and the no less blatant violation of humanitarian law consisting in ordering more than one million civilians to leave their city or face death under the rubbles of their dwellings is all but condoned by prominent Western political leaders and major Western media.

It is as if they had reconstituted the International Society for the Suppression of Savage Customs for which Joseph Conrad’s fictional Kurtz (in Heart of Darkness) had written a report ending with the terrifying postscript: “Exterminate all the brutes!” Kurtz’s prescription has indeed found an equivalent in Israeli minister of “defence” Yoav Gallant’s sinister announcement: “I have ordered a complete siege on the Gaza Strip. There will be no electricity, no food, no fuel, everything is closed … We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly.”

Western media have been unsurprisingly echoing Israel’s media in depicting Hamas’s operation as the deadliest attack targeting Jews since the Holocaust, continuing the usual pattern of Nazification of the Palestinians in order to justify their dehumanization and extermination. The truth, though, is that, however dreadful some aspects of Hamas’s operation have been, they are not a continuation of Nazi imperialist violence in any meaningful historical perspective. They are inscribed instead in two very different historical cycles: that of the Palestinians’ struggle against Israeli colonial dispossession and oppression, and that of the struggle of the peoples of the Global South against colonialism. The key to the mindset behind Hamas’s action is not to be found in Adolf Hitler’s Mein Kampf, but indeed in Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth—the best-known interpretation of the feelings of the colonized by a political thinker who was also a psychiatrist. Fanon reflected on the struggles of the colonized against French colonialism—the Algerians in particular. The parallels are striking:

The colonized, who have made up their mind to make such an agenda into a driving force, have been prepared for violence from time immemorial. As soon as they are born it is obvious to them that their cramped world, riddled with taboos, can only be challenged by out and out violence. …

The violence which governed the ordering of the colonial world … will be vindicated and appropriated when, taking history into their own hands, the colonized swarm into the forbidden cities. To blow the colonial world to smithereens is henceforth a clear image within the grasp and imagination of every colonized subject. …

The outcome, however, is profoundly unequal, for machinegunning by planes or bombardments from naval vessels outweigh in horror and scope the response from the colonized. The most alienated of the colonized are once and for all demystified by this pendulum motion of terror and counterterror. They see for themselves that any number of speeches on human equality cannot mask the absurdity whereby seven Frenchmen killed or wounded in an ambush at the Sakamody pass sparks the indignation of civilized consciences, whereas the sacking of the Guergour douars, the Djerah dechra, and the massacre of the population behind the ambush count for nothing.

Were some of the acts committed by Hamas fighters during Operation Al-Aqsa Flood “terroristic”? If by “terrorism” is meant the deliberate assassination of unarmed people, they certainly were. But then, the deliberate killing of thousands upon thousands of Gazan civilians over the past seventeen years—since 2006, a few months only after Israel evacuated the Gaza Strip to control it from without, in the belief that the cost would be lesser than controlling it from within—that is terrorism too. State terrorism has indeed caused many more casualties in history than terrorism by non-state groups.

Likewise, were some of the acts committed by Hamas fighters acts of “barbarism”? Undoubtedly so, but they were no less undoubtedly part of a clash of barbarisms. Allow me to quote here from what I wrote about this more than twenty years ago, in the wake of the 9/11 attacks:

Taken separately, each barbarous act can be judged equally reprehensible from a moral standpoint. No civilized ethic can justify deliberate assassination of non-combatants or children, whether indiscriminate or deliberate, by state or non-governmental terror. …

Nevertheless, from the point of view of basic fairness, we cannot wrap ourselves in a metaphysical ethic that rejects all forms of barbarism equally. The different barbarisms do not carry the same weight in the scales of justice. Admittedly, barbarism can never be an instrument of “legitimate self-defence”; it is always illegitimate by definition. But this does not change the fact that when two barbarisms clash, the stronger, the one that acts as the oppressor, is still the more culpable. Except in cases of manifest irrationality, the barbarism of the weak is most often, logically enough, a reaction to the barbarism of the strong. Otherwise, why would the weak provoke the strong, at the risk of being crushed themselves? This is, incidentally, why the strong seek to hide their culpability by portraying their adversaries as demented, demonic and bestial.

The most crucial issue with Hamas’s conception of the fight against Israeli occupation and oppression is not moral, but political and practical. Instead of serving Palestinian emancipation and winning over to its cause an increasing number of Israelis, Hamas’s strategy facilitates the nationalist unity of Jewish Israelis and provides the Zionist state with pretexts for increased suppression of Palestinian rights and existence. The idea that the Palestinian people could achieve its national emancipation by way of armed confrontation with an Israeli state that is far superior militarily is irrational. The most effective episode in Palestinian struggle to this day was unarmed: The 1988 Intifada provoked a deep crisis in Israel’s society, polity, and armed forces, and won for the Palestinian cause massive sympathy in the world, Western countries included.

Hamas’s latest operation, the most spectacular attack it ever launched on Israel, has provided an opportunity for much more than the usual pattern of brutal murderous retaliation in a protracted cycle of violence and counter-violence. What looms on the horizon is nothing less than a second stage of the Nakba—the Arabic word for “catastrophe” that is the name given to the forced displacement of most of the indigenous Palestinian population from the territories that the newborn Israeli state managed to conquer in 1948. The present Israeli government, which includes neo-Nazis, is led by the leader of Likud and heir, therefore, of the political groups that perpetrated the most infamous massacre of Palestinians in 1948: the Deir Yassin massacre. Benjamin Netanyahu led the opposition to Ariel Sharon and resigned from the Israeli cabinet run by the latter in 2005, when Sharon opted for Israel’s “unilateral disengagement” from Gaza. Soon after, Sharon quitted Likud which Netanyahu has been leading ever since.

The Israeli far right led by Likud has been relentlessly pursuing its goal of a Greater Israel that encompasses the entire territory of British-mandate Palestine between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River, including both the West Bank and Gaza. Only a few days before Hamas’s operation, Netanyahu, during his speech at the UN General Assembly, brandished a map of Greater Israel—a deliberate signal that did not go unnoticed. That is why the injunction given to the population of Northern Gaza to move southward is much more than the usual hypocritical excuse for the deliberate destruction of civilian-populated areas, while laying the blame at Hamas’s door by accusing it of hiding among civilians (an absurd accusation indeed: how could Hamas exist in the wilderness, out of urban concentrations, without being wiped off by far superior Israeli remote warfare means?).

What we are witnessing is in all likelihood the prelude to a second round of displacement of Gazans toward the Egyptian Sinai, in the intention of committing the second major act of territorial conquest combined with ethnic cleansing since the Nakba, under the pretext of eradicating Hamas. The Palestinians immediately remembered the 1948 exodus, when they fled war only to be prevented from returning to their towns and villages. They have understood that they are now facing in Gaza a second instance of forced displacement preluding to further dispossession and settler-colonization. This second stage of the Nakba will be much bloodier than the first: The number of Palestinians killed until the time of writing is already nearing the number of those killed in 1948, and this is but the beginning of the Israeli onslaught. Only massive popular mobilization in the United States and Europe to bring Western governments to pressure Israel into stopping before it fulfils its sinister war aims could prevent this dreadful outcome. This is extremely urgent. Make no mistake: the impending catastrophe will not be contained in the Middle East but will certainly spill over into Western countries as has been happening for several decades—on a yet more tragic scale.

15 October 2023. Originally published on Gilbert Achcar’s blog.

Photo by Ali Hamad \ apaimages

 

Palestinian Liberation and the MENA Revolutions

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The following article was originally published by Joseph Daher, a Syrian/Swiss academic and Marxist internationalist, in the journal Tempest on July 5, 2021. We republish it here believing it provides important background, particularly on Palestinian originations and their politics. – Eds.

Israel’s recent attacks against Palestinians in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza demonstrated, once again, the brutal colonial, racist, and apartheid nature of the Zionist state. The replacement of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s government by a new coalition led by ultranationalist Naftali Bennett will change nothing for Palestinians.

The new regime’s policy is no different than Netanyahu’s. Proving this reality, Bennett ordered fresh air strikes on Gaza just a few days after his assumption of power. These new acts of violence and repression prove why the international left must stand in unconditional solidarity with the Palestinian resistance.

But we also must engage in the strategic debates about how to win liberation and our role in it. Socialists should see the Palestinian struggle as inextricably tied to the revolutions in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) against all the region’s states, most importantly Israel. This combination of resistance in Palestine and regional revolution is the only realistic way to free Palestine and all the peoples of the region.

Israel: a settler-colonial  state

The Zionist movement from its origins in Europe to its foundation of Israel in 1948 and its displacement of Palestinians today has been a settler-colonial project. To establish, maintain, and expand its territory, the Israeli state has had to ethnically cleanse Palestinians from their land, homes, and jobs. Throughout this process it allied with, and found sponsorship from, imperialist powers, first the British empire and then the United States, which used Israel as their agent in the struggle against Arab nationalism and socialism.

Thus, the Israeli state’s support for Zionist settler’s expropriation of Palestinian’s homes in Sheikh Jarrah must be seen as a continuation of the Nakba (“catastrophe” in Arabic) that drove over 700,000 Palestinians from their homes in 1948. This process of ongoing colonization is the reason why more than 5 million Palestinians refugees live in camps and cities in the Middle East and North Africa.

Given the utterly reactionary nature of Israel, the far right’s political hegemony over the last decade should come as no surprise. It is in some sense the logical outgrowth of the Zionist movement…

Even mainstream groups now recognize the reactionary nature of Israeli colonization. For example, both Human Rights Watch  and Israel’s B’Tselem  have recently denounced Israel’s ongoing seizure of Palestinian land. They have documented how Israel has violated international laws to back 620,000 colonists building colonies in the occupied territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem. They also concluded that Israel is an apartheid state that gives Jew’s special privileges and reduces Palestinians to second-class citizenship.

Given the utterly reactionary nature of Israel, the far right’s political hegemony over the last decade should come as no surprise. It is in some sense the logical outgrowth of the Zionist movement, its ethnonationalism, Israel’s institutional racism, and its more than seven decades of oppression and dispossession of Palestinians. These create the conditions for the flourishing of right-wing Zionist mobs that march through Palestinian neighborhoods chanting “Death to Arabs.”

Mistaken alliances with authoritarian regimes

Just like any other population under colonial occupation and apartheid, Palestinians have the right to resist, including with military means. Support for this right should not be confused with support for the political perspectives of the various Palestinian political parties. None of these parties—Fatah, Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), the Democratic Front of the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP), and others—offer a political strategy capable of winning Palestinian liberation.

The dominant Palestinian political parties look not to the Palestinian masses and the regional working classes and oppressed peoples as the forces to win liberation. Instead they seek political alliances with the region’s ruling classes and their regimes to support their political and military struggle against Israel. They collaborate with these regimes, and argue for non-intervention, even as those regimes oppress their own popular classes and Palestinians within their borders.

One of the key examples in the evolution of this approach was in Jordan 1970, and culminated in the events known as Black September. Despite the strength, organization and popularity of the Palestine Liberation Orgization (PLO), within Jordan— a country whose population was seventy percent Palestinian— the Fatah leadership of Yasser Arafat initially refused to support a campaign to over throw the country’s dictator, King Hussein. In response, and with the backing of the U.S and Israel, Hussein declared martial law, and with the regional Arab governments largely passive, Hussein attacked the PLO camps, killed thousands of Palestinian fighters and civilians, and ultimately drove the PLO out of Jordan and into Syria and Lebanon.

Despite this history, and its subsequent experiences in exile, the PLO pursued this strategy of collaboration and non-intervention for decades. Today, the Palestinian Authority’s (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas supports Abdel Fattah al-Sisi’s dictatorship in Egypt. In another shocking example, Abbas recently sent a message of congratulations to Syrian autocrat Bashar al-Assad on “his re-election” in May 2021, despite Assad’s brutal repression of Palestinians participating in the Syrian uprising and destruction of the Yarmouk refugee camp.

Hamas pursues a similar strategy; its leaders have cultivated alliances with monarchies in Gulf states, especially Qatar more recently, as well as the fundamentalist regime in Iran. In 2012, Ismail Haniyeh, prime minister of the Hamas government in Gaza at the time, praised Bahrain’s “reforms” while the regime with the backing of its Gulf allies smashed the country’s democratic uprising. Many Hamas leaders viewed it as a “sectarian” coup d’état by the Shi’ites of Bahrain supported by Iran.

In April 2018, former Hamas leader Khaled Mashal praised Turkey’s invasion and occupation of Afrin in Syria during a visit to Ankara. He stated that “Turkey’s success in Afrin serves as a solid example” hopefully to be followed by similar “victories of the Islamic ummah in a lot of places in the world.” The occupation of Afrin by Turkish armed forces and its reactionary Syrian proxies drove out 200,000 mostly Kurdish people and repressed those who remained.

Unfortunately, the Palestinian left has for the most part implemented its own version of the same strategy. It too has withheld criticism of its allies’ repression of their people. The PFLP, for example, has not voiced any objections to the Syrian regime’s crimes and has even supported its army against “foreign conspiracies,” declaring that Damascus “will remain a thorn in the face of the Zionist enemy and its allies.” The PFLP’s relationship towards the theocracy in Iran, and the military dictatorship in Egypt follow a similar pattern.

Regimes betray the liberation struggle

Rather than advance the struggle, despotic states in the region have repeatedly betrayed it and even repressed Palestinians. As noted earlier, the Jordanian state crushed the Palestinian movement in 1970, killing thousands and expelling the PLO during Black September.

In 1976, Hafez al-Assad’s regime in Syria intervened in Lebanon against Palestinian and leftist organizations in support of far-right Lebanese parties. He also conducted military operations against Palestinian camps in Beirut in 1985 and 1986. By 1990, approximately 2,500 Palestinian political prisoners were held in Syrian prisons.

Egypt has collaborated in Israel’s blockade of Gaza since 2007. Iran opportunistically seeks to use the Palestinian cause as foreign policy tool to achieve its wider objectives in the region.

While the Syrian regime has supported Hamas, it drastically cut assistance to it when it refused to support the regime’s counter-revolution against the democratic uprising in 2011. Iran only resumed formal ties with Hamas after the election of Ismail Haniyeh and Saleh al-Arouri as the new leadership.

Tehran collaborated with U.S. imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. That’s why during the recent Iraqi uprising protesters marched under the slogan “Neither USA, Nor Iran”. These examples alone demolish the idea that Iran is a reliable ally of the Palestinian cause or that is an ant-imperialist state.

Turkey, despite Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s criticisms of Israel, maintains close economic connections with it. Erdogan has increased the volume of trade with Tel Aviv from the $1.4 billion when he came to power to $6.5 billion in 2020. Thus, the regimes restrict their support for the cause to areas where it advances their regional interests and betray it when it doesn’t.

Dead end of peace deals brokered by U.S. imperialism

With the failure of its strategy of relying on political support from, and alliance with the regions regimes, the PLO turned to an even more bankrupt approach of pursuing a peace deal brokered by the U.S. and other great powers. The hope was to secure a two-state settlement through the Oslo Accords struck in 1993.

Instead of winning Palestinian liberation, such a settlement would amount to surrender, accepting Israeli colonialism in historic Palestine, while at best winning a Palestinian rump state, and betraying Palestinian refugees the right to return to their stolen land in Israel. In the final analysis, the peace process has reduced the PA to ruling over a bantustan entirely under the control of Israel.

This disastrous result should come as no surprise. The U.S. and other imperialist powers have supported Israel as their local police force against the revolutionary transformation of the region, an event that would challenge their control over its strategic energy reserves.

Israel served this purpose repeatedly since its founding. In 1956, it participated in France and Britain’s attack on Nasser’s Egypt following its nationalization of the Suez Canal. In 1967, Israel’s Six Day War targeted Nasser’s Egypt as well as the Syrian state during their radical nationalist phase.

Since then, the U.S. has backed Israel. Washington has poured an average of $4 billion annually into Tel Aviv’s coffers, backing its colonization of Palestine and its wars of aggression against progressive governments and movements in the region. Washington supported Israel’s military intervention in Lebanon in 1978 and 1982 that oversaw the terrible massacre of Sabra and Shatila, destroyed progressive Palestinian and Lebanese forces, and installed a friendly regime in Beirut.

Israel’s victories against Arab nationalist states and its intervention in Lebanon led to the retreat of radicalism in the region, isolating the PLO. This predicament led, in 1978, to  Yasser Arafat’s Fatah faction adopting the two-state solution, a necessary step along the path to its signing off on the 1993 Oslo Accords.

Washington has poured an average of $4 billion annually into Tel Aviv’s coffers, backing its colonization of Palestine and its wars of aggression against progressive governments and movements in the region.

In effect, this meant the surrender of the struggle for the liberation of historic Palestine, and the transformation of Fatah into the Palestinian Authority (PA), administering the occupied territories. The Palestinian intellectual Edward Said, who opposed the Oslo agreement, declared that it represented “a massive abandonment of principles, the main currents of Palestinian history, and national goals” and “relegated the diaspora Palestinians to permanent exile or refugee status.”

The U.S. and Israel have supported the PA controlling Palestinians in the West Bank as well as Gaza (before the latter was taken over by Hamas in 2007). The PA has been happy to serve as Washington and Tel Aviv’s cop. For example, during the recent uprising, the PA arrested more than 20 activists for their social media posts and leadership of protests. More recently, Nizar Banat, a leading Palestinian activist and critic of the PA, was killed in a raid by its security forces on his home in Dura in Hebron.

With the PA functioning as a quisling regime, the U.S. has promoted Israel’s political and economic integration with states in the region, most recently through the Trump administration’s Abraham Accords. This normalization of relations between Israel and several Arab states further isolates the Palestinian liberation struggle.

Newly elected president Joe Biden has reaffirmed Washington’s unflinching support for Israel, whatever its crimes against Palestinians. In the midst of its most recent bombing of Gaza, a sale of $735 million in precision-guided weapons to Israel passed Congress and the billions in annual aid will continue to pour in. The PA strategy of collaborating with the U.S. entails surrender to the occupier and its imperial sponsor.

The Weakness of the Palestinian Working Class

If strategies based on the region’s states and peace deals brokered by the U.S. are dead ends, what about an alternative orientation on the Palestinian working class? That too is foreclosed by Israel’s particular nature as a settler-colonial state.

Unlike apartheid South Africa, which relied on Black worker’s labor in its factories and mines, Israel has driven Palestinian workers out of any central role in its economy and replaced them with Jewish workers. As a result, Palestinian workers do not have the means to shut down the Israeli economy through strikes like Black workers did in South Africa.

That does not mean that the Palestinian resistance is powerless within the state of Israel and in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. The struggle of workers of other groups remains central to the movement.

The most recent wave of Palestinian struggle demonstrates its power as well as its potential to forge a new strategy to supplant the failed one of relying on support from the region’s regimes. New youth and feminist groups such as Tal’at as well as the working class has been at the heart of the recent resistance.

The most recent wave of Palestinian struggle demonstrates its power as well as its potential to forge a new strategy to supplant the failed one of relying on support from the region’s regimes.

The worker’s general strike on May 18 was called and led from below. It shut down sections of the economy from Israel to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. As Haaretz noted: “The Israel Builders Association observed that Palestinian workers had observed the strike, with only 150 of the 65,000 Palestinian construction workers coming to work in Israel. This paralyzed building sites, causing losses estimated at 130 million shekels (nearly $40 million).”

The character of the strike, while extremely important, should not be exaggerated. As Assaf Adiv, the director of the MAAN Workers Association — the only Israeli trade union that organizes Palestinians in the industrial zones of the West Bank settlements (from which Palestinian trade unions are barred)—noted the observance of the strike by Palestinians who work in Israel was in part “due to closure of the checkpoints and uncertainty on the roads of the West Bank”.

Regardless of the breadth of the participation in the strike, the Israeli economy was relatively unscathed, showing that the Palestinian working class and other social movements need solidarity from other workers, peasants, and oppressed peoples. The question is which ones should Palestinians orient on to win a secular democracy in historic Palestine.

The Israeli working class—not a strategic ally

The first and perhaps obvious strategic orientation would seem to be on the Israeli working class. But it has always placed loyalty to Israel over and above class solidarity with the Palestinian masses.

This is not just the result of ideological devotion but material interest in the Israeli state, which provides Israeli workers with homes stolen from Palestinians as well as inflated standards of living. The Israeli ruling class and state thus integrate the Israeli working class as a collaborator in a common project of settler colonialism.

Its working class’ institutions such as its union, the Histadrut, have played a central role in the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. Labor Zionist leaders established the Histadrut in 1920 as an exclusively Jewish union and used it to spearhead the displacement of Palestinian workers.

Its slogan “Jewish land, Jewish work, Jewish product” neatly summarizes its ethnonationalist class-collaborationist project and underlines how fundamentally hostile it is to solidarity with Palestinians. Applying these slogans during and after the founding of Israel, it has helped ensure that land was only leased to Jews; farms and industries hired only Jews; and Palestinian farms and industries were boycotted.

On top of that, the Israeli state has militarized the incorporation of Israeli workers through mandatory conscription. This compels them to participate in the repression of Palestinians, enforce the occupation, and defend Zionist settler’s theft of Palestinian homes and land.

Given this incorporation into the colonial project, it should come as no surprise that, with few exceptions, workers supported the most recent assault on Gaza. In just one example among many, the union of the Israeli Electric Corp (IEC) went so far as to declare that it would not repair power lines to the Gaza Strip until two Israeli soldiers and a missing Israeli civilian were returned.

Does this mean that Palestinians should not seek collaboration with progressive sectors of Israeli working class? Of course not. Examples of small-scale solidarity exist, but they are rare.

It is hard to imagine these becoming a counter to the overwhelming pattern of ethnonationalist unity of Israeli workers with the Zionist state. A strategy focused on trying to build working class unity against Zionism between Israeli and Palestinian workers is thus unrealistic.

The regional revolutionary strategy

The key to developing a better strategy for liberation is putting Palestine in the regional context. Because Palestinian refugees in their millions are integrated in the Middle East and to a lesser extent in North Africa, their national and class struggle is necessarily intertwined with that of the region’s masses.

Those workers and peasants remember their forebearers’ fight against colonialism, confront imperialist powers’ that support the regimes that oppress them, identify with the struggle of the Palestinians, and therefore see their own battle for democracy and equality as bound up with its victory. That’s why there is a dialectical relationship between the struggles; when Palestinians fight it triggers the regional movement for liberation, and the regional movement feeds back into the one in occupied Palestine.

Their united revolt has the power to transform the entire region, overthrowing the regimes, expelling the imperialist powers, ending both forces’ support for the state of Israel, weakening it the process, and proving to Israeli workers that the regional transformation can end their exploitation. Far-right minister Avigdor Lieberman admitted the danger posed to Israel by the Arab Spring in 2011 when he declared that the Egyptian revolution that toppled Hosni Mubarak and opened the door to democracy was a greater threat to Israel than Iran.

The power and potential of this regional strategy has been repeatedly demonstrated. In the 1960s and 1970s, the Palestinian movement spurred a rise in class struggle throughout the region. In 2000, the Second Intifada opened a new era of resistance, inspiring a wave of organizing that would eventually explode in 2011 with revolutions from Tunisia to Egypt to Syria.

In the summer of 2019, Palestinians in Lebanon organized massive demonstrations for weeks in refugee camps against the Labor Ministry’s decision to treat them as foreigners, an act they considered to be a form of discrimination and racism against them. Their resistance helped inspire the broader Lebanese uprising in October 2019, which in turn has led to the popular uprisings in Iraq.

[T]here is a dialectical relationship between the struggles; when Palestinians fight it triggers the regional movement for liberation, and the regional movement feeds back into the one in occupied Palestine. Their united revolt has the power to transform the entire region…

To implement a strategy based on this regional solidarity, Palestinian groups and movements must abandon the policy embraced by the PA, Hamas, and most of the left of non-intervention in the affairs of countries in the region. Such non-intervention was the precondition of getting aid from various regimes. Accepting that policy means cutting Palestinians off from the social forces that can help them win liberation.

Instead, the Palestinian struggle must recover the regional revolutionary strategy that was pursued by leftists in the 1960s. Unfortunately, most abandoned this strategy to tail the PLO in allying with the region’s reactionary states.

The strategy of regional revolution based on class struggle from below is the only way to win liberation from Israel to Saudi Arabia and Syria as well as their imperialist backers from the U.S. to China and Russia. In that fight, Palestinians and those in other countries must embrace the demands of all those that suffer national oppression like the Kurds and others who suffer other forms of ethnic, sectarian, and social oppression.

Now is the time to resurrect the regional strategy. The whole of the Middle East and North Africa is in a long-term revolutionary process rooted in the masses’ blocked political and economic aspirations. There have already been two waves of uprisings, the first in 2011 that rocked the whole region and a second in 2018 and 2019 that swept through Sudan, Lebanon, Algeria, and Iraq.

With none of the popular grievances won, no doubt a third wave is on its way. And Palestine can and must be at the center of this next wave in a fight to liberate it and the entire region.

Palestine in the revolutionary process

Only through this regional revolutionary strategy, can we envision the establishment of a democratic, socialist, and secular state in historic Palestine with equal rights for both Palestinian and Jewish people within a socialist federation throughout the Middle East and North Africa. In the new Palestinian state, all Palestinians would have the right to return to their land and homes from which they were forcibly displaced in 1948, 1967, and after. In addition to this, the liberation of Palestine must also include a global project of economic development and reconstruction to guarantee Palestinians their social and economic rights.

To implement this strategy, Palestinians must forge a new political leadership committed to self-organization from below within historic Palestine and the region. They cannot do that alone but must do so through collaboration with socialists from Egypt to Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Turkey, Algeria, and all the other countries.

The most important task for those outside the region is to win the left, unions, progressive groups, and movements to support the campaign for Boycott Divestment and Sanctions against Israel. Forcing this on institutions and corporations in the imperialist powers, especially the U.S., will help block their support for Israel and other despotic regimes and weaken their hold in the region.

The liberation of Palestine thus passes through the liberation of all the peoples living under tyrants in Damascus, Riyadh, Doha, Tehran, Ankara, Abu Dhabi, Cairo, Amman, and all the others. As a Syrian revolutionary wrote from the Israeli-occupied Syrian Golan Heights in the summer of 2014, “freedom—a common destiny for Gaza, Yarmouk and the Golan.” This slogan holds out the hope of regional revolutionary transformation, the only realistic strategy for liberation.

*I would like to thank Ashley Smith and Sai Englert for their help in the writing of the article.

Two Stories, One Position

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Boris Kagarlitsky and Alina Barbara López Hernández

Understanding is not condoning. One can understand the logic behind authoritarian behavior, without endorsing the pretexts it often uses to punish its victims. Understanding is important to anticipate the actions of the repressors, dismantle their lies, and generate solidarity with the persecuted.

As I write (and you read) these lines, two intellectuals, two friends, are persecuted by the respective governments of their countries. Alina Barbara López Hernández in Cuba, and Boris Kagarlitsky in Rusia.[i] Both face spurious criminal proceedings, deployed against them in a punitive environment where the basic guarantees provided by Cuban, Russian and international legality have been violated. Alina awaits her hearing in freedom, Boris has been imprisoned.[ii] The two continue, in their situations to confront the power that threatens them. And also their accomplices.[iii]

Both have revealed the ideological and political incoherence of power. The lie become the state’s (un) reason. Because Alina is a socialist intellectual persecuted by a government that declares itself socialist while carrying out a brutal economic reorganization on the backs of its workers. While, Boris is an anti-fascist punished by a regime that presents its invasion of a neighboring country as anti-fascist.

Both belie the fatalisms instilled in power. They come from generations formed under the propaganda and education forged by the Mass-Man; but they have become citizens and behave as such. They have avoided confusing their rejection of Stalinism with the denunciation of the entire left tradition. Both decided to continue thinking, educating, resisting… In the same land ungoverned by its repressors.

Their stories contrast with those of courtly intellectuals who, in Havana or Moscow, have chosen to shut up, flatter or ramble while their nations are crushed by selfish, exploitative, cynical, abusive governments. The mere existence of Alina and Boris (and the thousands of Alinas and Boris who learn, right now, that another way of being is possible), is a cause of gossip and badmouthing by those who have chosen to put their knowledge at the service of oppressive powers.

Both make us remember the reasons why silence, in cases like this, sooner or later reaches us all; why it makes as little sense to push anyone to sacrifice – Alina and Boris have never demanded that others immolate themselves for them – as to remain impassive before the dignified position they hold. If Cuba and Russia are ever again worthy of a full and happy life, it will be due to the Alinas and Boris who still resist.

That’s why we can’t leave them alone.[iv] There are many ways to be supportive of your “cases.” Taking their messages to the international press; supporting their causes on the WEB (right now putting  a like is a sign of civic courage in Russia and Cuba), or accompanying them in court. Giving all the necessary support to their loved ones, leaving the greatest possible warning to their repressors. Everyone does what, according to choice and circumstances, they can, but paralysis is not an option.

Hanna Arendt once wrote: “Nobility, dignity, perseverance and a certain laughing courage. Everything that constitutes greatness remains essentially the same through the centuries.” It is just that, a struggle for one’s own dignity and that of others, embodied in the fragile matter of two human beings, of two people like us, that is at stake now. You decide.

Notes:

[i] (https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Borís_Kagarlitski)

[ii] https://www.counterpunch.org/2023/08/17/letter-from-prison/

[iii] https://www.nuso.org/articulo/Rusia-Putin-guerra-Ucrania/

[iv] https://nuso.org/articulo/Kagarlitski-Rusia-guerra/

 

Adalah’s Statement following the Extreme Violence in Gaza and in Israel since Saturday 7 October 2023

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Oct. 11, 2023

Adalah calls on the international community to intervene immediately to protect the lives of civilians in Gaza, most of whom are Palestinian refugees, who are now subject to Israel’s ruthless retaliatory actions. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu clearly declared on 9 October 2023 that Israel “will exact a price that will be remembered by them [Hamas] and Israel’s other enemies for decades to come”. Yoav Gallant, Israel’s Defense Minister, stated that, “We are imposing a complete siege on [Gaza]. No electricity, no food, no water, no fuel – everything is closed.” These announcements and the ensuing retaliatory actions indicate the intent to commit war crimes against the civilian population in the Gaza Strip.

These acts, which violate international law, come after the unprecedented, brutal and illegal attack by Hamas militants in Israel against civilians. According to Israeli sources, more than 1,200 people were killed and 2,900 injured, most of whom were civilians, and over 100 individuals (including children, women and the elderly) were taken as hostages into Gaza. While the Palestinian people are entitled to resist the Israeli brutal and prolonged occupation under international law, the killing of civilians, the holding of civilian hostages, and the holding bodies for any political purposes are completely prohibited means and constitute war crimes.

The root causes – the illegal 56-year-old Israeli military occupation, the longest occupation in modern history; the killing of tens of thousands of Palestinians; the blockade on Gaza; Israel’s settler-colonial policies in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem; and the denial of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination – as well as the total disregard by the international community of its obligations to fulfil UN resolutions – provide the context to these events.

The extremist, racist Israeli government is using the attacks by Palestinian militants as a pretext to launch illegal attacks and commit war crimes toward ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people in Gaza. As of 11 October 2023, the death toll in Gaza has risen to 950 people, most of whom are civilians, with over 5,000 individuals injured as a result of the ongoing Israeli attacks, and over 185,000 Palestinians displaced in Gaza. Israeli forces killed an additional 19 Palestinians, including one child, in the West Bank. The dead, wounded and displaced of the last few days join the tens of thousands of Palestinian victims of earlier Israeli military offensives in Gaza, primarily airstrikes. The Israeli military is also striking and destroying infrastructure, including water and sewerage systems, cutting off electricity and humanitarian supplies, and targeting medical facilities and personnel and journalists, creating one of the cruelest humanitarian crises in the world.

We call on the Israeli and Gaza authorities to cease all violations of international humanitarian law and to release all civilian hostages and bodies. We call on the international community to protect the Palestinian people in Gaza from Israel’s brutal and illegal actions, to stop the inhumane blockade on Gaza, and to put an end to the Israeli prolonged occupation, in order to uphold Palestinians’ right to self-determination.

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