New Politics, Vol. X, No. 3, Whole Number 39
The Ambiguous Calm: What is Sharon up to, and can he really get away with it?, Adam Keller
New Politics Symposium on Iraq and the Antiwar Movement
- The Resistance and the Antiwar Movement, Anthony Arnove
- Iraq and the Third Camp, Barry Finger
- Struggling for Progress, In Iraq!, Wadood Hamad
- Iraq and the Idea of Freedom, Peter Hudis
- Letter to the Editor, Tom Unterrainer
- Immediate U.S. Withdrawal and the Hope for Democracy in Iraq, Joanne Landy
- No Blank Checks, Staughton Lynd
- Empire and Resistance, Glenn Perusek
- The Antiwar Movement and Iraq, Stephen R. Shalom
Immigration, African Americans, and Race Discourse, Stephen Steinberg
Is the Death Penalty Constitutional? Two Anti-Death Penalty Views
- Constitutional but Wrong?, Mark Dow
- Cruel, Unusual, and Unconstitutional, David R. Dow
Third Parties: An Exchange
- The Antiwar Movement and Third Party Politics, Duane Campbell
- Playing to Win in the Post-ABB Era, John Halle
- The Green Party and the Collapse of the Left, Scott McLarty
- Almost Reason Enough, Morris Slavin
- Response, Thomas Harrison
History * Theory * Culture
- Introduction to Mario Savio Speech, Robert Cohen
- The Berkeley Knowledge Factory, Mario Savio
- Art for the People? Christo and Jeanne-Claude’s “The Gates”, Jesse Lemisch
- E.P. Thompson: History and Commitment, David Renton
- Herman Wouk: The First Neoconservative, Joel Brodkin
- Three Elegies for Susan Sontag, Ellen Willis
Special Section on Women and Work
Edited by Gertrude Ezorsky
- The Labor Origins of the Next Women’s Movement, Dorothy Sue Cobble
- Migration, Domestic Work, and Repression, Julia Wrigley
- Relevant, Irrelevant, or Both?, Lynn Chancer
- Women, Family, Welfare and Work, Betty Reid Mandell
- Kathleen Odell Korgen, Breaking the Code of Good Intentions by Melanie Bush
- Kristin Lawler, Hard Work by Rick Fantasia and Kim Voss
- Laurie Calhoun, Masters of War by Carl Boggs
- John Eric Marot, Revolution and Counterrevolution by Kevin Murphy
- Horst Brand, The Anatomy of Fascism by Robert Paxton
- Paul Burkett, Steal this University by Johnson, Kavanagh, and Mattson
- Roger Sabin on Attitude 1 & 2 by Ted Rall
- Words and Pictures: Gary Martin on El Fisgón
In this issue:
The key challenge for the left today remains that of ending the occupation of Iraq, which did not end with the January 30 elections. A majority of people in the United States now thinks the invasion of Iraq was not worth the high price that has been paid as a consequence. Yet an enormous gap exists between this sentiment and the level of political activity against the occupation.
The Third Camp alternative is ultimately expressed by the potential of the Iraqi working class assuming the leadership of the anti- imperialist movement. We do not and cannot claim that this third camp is presently a conscious alternative on the part of those who will make it possible.
The current armed insurgency in Iraq, erroneously portrayed by some as "resistance" to U.S. occupation, does not — nor could it ever — represent a national resistance movement. While it is true that the medley of insurgents espouses "a mixture of Islamic and Pan-Arab ideas," it is inaccurate to insinuate that they "agree on the need to put an end to U.S. presence in Iraq." For if this were true, why are those elements not fighting U.S.
Wadood Hamad is correct that many today are "stuck between two inadequate visions" — either apologizing for U.S. imperialist actions or "cheering any misguided ‘apparent' resistance to imperialism." Avoiding these false alternatives is not only needed to develop a successful antiwar movement; it is needed to ensure that the idea of freedom is not forsaken by today's radicals.
The peace movement should call for the immediate, unconditional withdrawal of all U.S. troops from Iraq and the closing of all military bases there: no temporizing, no negotiations, no timetables — just bring the troops home, now. Peace activists should say to the American people that the occupation is part and parcel of an imperial U.S.
Barry Finger, Wadood Hamad, and Glenn Perusek all appear to demand the immediate withdrawal of United States forces from Iraq. (Finger, 26: "we demand an immediate withdrawal of occupation forces"; Hamad, 34: "We must demand a timely schedule for the withdrawal of occupation forces from Iraq over a fixed, limited period").
The antiwar movement needs to demand the immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops and an end to the U.S. domination of Iraq, not because we don't care about Iraqis, but precisely because we do care. And while we support any people's right to resistance, we should not "support the Iraq resistance."
We believe this article begins an important conversation on the left. We will be publishing various responses to it in our next issue, along with a reply from Stephen Steinberg. In addition, this article will be published in the Winter issue of New Labor Forum, together with a different set of responses and a reply from Steinberg. We urge readers to follow this debate in both venues. — Eds.
Holy saffron! From February 12 to 27, New York City's Central Park was the site of an exhibition called "The Gates: Central Park New York 1979- 2005," by the artists Christo and Jeanne-Claude (C/J-C). The Gates consisted of 7503 vinyl structures straddling 23 miles of park pathways, each gate 16 feet high, resting on steel bases (the equivalent, the city boasted, of two thirds of the steel used in the Eiffel Tower), with orange drapes (described by C/J-C as "saffron") hanging down from the tops.
The justification of the intensive bombing of Serbia in 1999 as part of the need to avoid "another Holocaust" is only a recent event in the Americanization of the Nazi Holocaust: specifically its use as a propaganda theme for the defense of U.S. great power interests.
Dorothy Sue Cobble's book, The Other Women's Movement: Workplace Justice and Social Rights in Modern America (Princeton University Press, 2002), retrieves the forgotten feminism of the previous generation of working women. Their reform agenda — an end to unfair sex discrimination, just compensation for their waged labor, and the rights of their families and communities — launched a revolution in employment practices that has carried over into the present.
In their edited collection, Global Woman: Nannies, Maids, and Sex Workers in the New Economy, Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild write that Third World women are on the move as never before, filling jobs in the "homes, nurseries, and brothels of the First World" (2002). The rushed and materialistic societies of the First World leave working parents little time to look after their children or their own parents. Women migrating from poor countries fill the gap.
While I was in the process of reviewing this volume, I took it to a party in Brooklyn attended by varied-and-sundry aging baby boomers, early 40s through 50-something types who are generally progressive, educated and (in tripartite terms of classification) middle-to-upper-middle class.
I have seen the welfare system first hand as a volunteer outreach worker at a Boston welfare office (Department of Transitional Assistance). The other day I walked into the office to see a distraught woman sobbing disconsolately on the floor. She had unknowingly parked in the parking lot of the Burger King next door. She moaned, "I begged him not to tow me. I told him that I am homeless and don't have any money to feed my children, but he didn't listen.