
May Day is not only International Workers’ Day but also a day of solidarity with the oppressed peoples and civil disobedience against war.
May Day is not only International Workers’ Day but also a day of solidarity with the oppressed peoples and civil disobedience against war.
In the month of the first anniversary of Russia’s illegal and brutal full-scale invasion of Ukraine, president Volodymyr Zelensky held a speech at the European Parliament, where he declared Russia to be “the biggest anti-European force of the modern world”[1]. By . . .
While I admire the political values of these two scholars, I don’t find either of these books satisfying because they like many other authors perpetuate the romantic view of Ricardo Flores Magón.
Ukraine has long been a victim of Russian imperialism, pre-capitalist, capitalist, Soviet, and then state-capitalist.
Years ago, the famous Nicaraguan poet Giaconda Belli wrote,
¿Qué sos, Nicaragua
Para dolerme tanto?
What are you, Nicaragua
To hurt me so?
The lines seem particularly poignant and appropriate now.
Only once we understand this can we then appreciate that our society needs a structure to control the amount of buying and selling of life that can occur. It needs to be regulated. There must exist a central regulatory body whose role is to limit the unrelenting power of commodified healthcare. This can only occur in a system where healthcare is run at a state or federal level.
The release of the prisoners now makes it possible for President Biden and Blinken to make a deal with Ortega that would improve his situation—removing the sanctions—while increasing U.S. influence in Nicaragua. Ortega accused the opponents he imprisoned of being traitors working for the United States, but it is he who wants a closer relationship with Washington.
Those who speak of “peace” by not supporting the legitimate right of Ukrainian peoples to self-determination and to live, those who break with support for national liberation struggles are mistaken and contribute to undermining the rights of all citizens, in Ukraine and around the world.
A Klan march in Washington, D.C. in 1925.
The far right has for the first time in a hundred years established itself as a force in the U.S. Congress. A group of just ten percent of the Republicans in Congress now . . .
Putin could end this war today if he wanted. So could you and your comrades in arms if you refuse to fight or simply begin to go home.
If the scene that unfolded December 11 was part of an “invasion” frequently voiced by the U.S. right, it was a curious one, indeed: no battle between antagonistic armies was fought. Many of the “invaders,” were in fact children.
The government of Pedro Castillo didn’t really change many of the policies that came before, we did not find measures that have endangered those at the top, nor have they benefited those below. In the statements of the simple men and women of the mobilized populations we find a constant: The elite did not let Castillo govern because he was one of them. And they are right.
It is a precious recognition that negotiations in the understanding of the current Russian government can only take place as a continuation of accumulating multi-layered lies, which appears to be the foundation of the public communication strategy of the Putin regime.
Over 400 years ago, long before Woodrow Wilson or Vladimir Lenin, Bartolomé de Las Casas developed a theory of the right of nations to self-determination that can be applied to many other countries today, including Ukraine.
The United States has long dominated Latin America, but today—in fact for the last twenty years—it is being challenged by China, which has invested billions and established political and some military relationships with many governments in the region.
In order to understand Putin’s war against Ukraine and its people, one must take a close look at the place that Ukraine, its state, language, and culture occupy in the imperial and national imagination of Russians.
In addition, Lula will be, like Dilma Rousseff, under the permanent threat of a “parliamentary coup.”
Russian soldiers had committed war crimes, including many cases of torture, executions, rape (including of children), bombing of civilian areas sometimes leading to separation of families from their children.
A new anti-militarist movement must uphold solidarity with the civil as well as armed resistance of the Ukrainian people, and with the Ukrainian, Belarusian and Russian leftists who oppose the Putin regime’s war.
The NGPU and our leading organizations consider Russia’s attack to be a cynical attempt by the Russian regime to destroy Ukraine and its people.